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Timing is Everything

William Cadogan, 1st Earl Cadogan. Credit: Wikimedia Commons.

William Cadogan, 1st Earl Cadogan. Credit: Wikimedia Commons. Uploaded by: Materialscientist.

By Matthew De Cloedt

Hans Sloane received many gifts from myriad places and numerous people. The two books that Edmund Gibson, the Bishop of Lincoln, sent on 24 July 1722 were different. The titles might not have been noteworthy, or even mentioned in his letter, but the thanks they represented were deeply personal. Edmund’s uncle, Dr Thomas Gibson, had recently passed away and Sloane had been the attending physician during his final days. The care and treatment made an impression on the family and they greatly appreciated his service.

But before Sloane had a chance to read Edmund’s thank you letter, he had three requests for recommendation letters to respond to: all wanting to replace Dr Thomas Gibson who had been the physician to William Cadogan, 1st Earl Cadogan.

As both a court physician and the President of the Royal College of Physicians, Sloane ordinarily attracted a great number of such recommendation requests. In this case, however, Sloane was an even better connection than unusual; his daughter Elizabeth had married the Earl’s younger brother Charles in 1717. The post was prestigious, for Earl Cadogan had served with distinction during the War of the Spanish Succession under John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough. This was the opportunity of a lifetime and the competitors wasted no time in petitioning Sloane for support.

The applicants for the position were strong and each was aware of the need to secure Sloane’s assistance first. Philip Rose urgently wrote: “Dr Gibson being dead… I thought it improper to loose time”. Frank and to the point, Rose assured Sloane that he was worthy of the post and would forever remember whose patronage secured the job for him. Unfortunately, he had a black mark on his record–an outstanding debt with the Royal College of Physicians. It was not until 1728 that the debt was settled and this no doubt hindered his chances of preferment.

John Woodward was a noted physician, natural historian, antiquary, and active member of the Royal Society and Royal College of Physicians. He hoped to see Sloane at a dinner in Greenwich with apothecaries, where they might discuss the job, among other things. Woodward’s chances might have been hampered by the fact that he and Sloane had a spat over a decade before. During an argument over the nature of plant physiology and respiration Woodward insulted Sloane, refused to apologize, and then attempted to remove Sloane from his post at the Royal Society. This bad blood between the two led to Woodward’s absence from actively engaging in the Royal Society business. It, perhaps, would have taken a considerable amount of charm and interesting table talk to overshadow their previous conflict. (That said, Woodward–himself a collector–did write Sloane several other letters about their mutual interests after the dispute of 1710!)

Sir Richard Manningham, the celebrated man mid-wife, claimed to be embarrassed to ask Sloane for his support because of the “Considerable salary” attached to the post. He asked Sloane to “forgive this rash weakness and folly” on his part. Manningham was well qualified. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society and licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1719, then was knighted in February 1722. There were no significant blemishes on his record to this point in his career, save his self-confessed boldness in contacting Sloane in the hopes of his support.

Each of the hopefuls vying to replace the late Dr Thomas Gibson recognized the importance of reaching Sloane first. The competitiveness of the medical profession required well-connected contacts like Sloane to gain the positions with the most prestige and largest remuneration. It is not clear whether or not any one of them got the job, but a cursory vetting of the candidates nearly three hundred years later suggests some had more faults than others. As Sloane was the late Dr Gibson’s physician, it might have helped their chances to lament the fact he had passed away instead of immediately requesting Sloane’s backing.

Letter 2660

William Oliver to Hans Sloane – November 16, 1739.


Item info

Date: November 16, 1739.
Author: William Oliver
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4076
Folio: f. 179



Original Page



Transcription

Fol. 179 [happy to see case in the trans] One of the most prevailing arguments against inoculation is the fear of communicated other distempers with the matter of the smallpox. I think it might be worthwhile to observe the manner in which persons, labouring under other distempers, go through the smallpox; as likewise whether they are not often succeeded by eruptive diseases, of a different type, immediately after the crisis of the smallpox is over. I have observed several persons of very ill habits of body, labouring under anomial [?] distempers of various kinds, who have had the most distinct kind of smallpox, in the most favourable manner. In the west of England the milliary fever has been epidemick and very fatal, for these 15 years last past, and it has often happened that when the smallpox has been of a favourable kind, and the crisis has been as perfect as could be expected, the milliary fever has appeared and carryd off the patient in a few days and hither these observations may furnish any probable argument that the seeds of other diseases do not mix in the [?] matter in its critical expulsion or not; I submit to your consideration…

Discussions regarding observation of smallpox. William Oliver was a physician and qualified as a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1692. He was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1704 and worked at the Royal Hospital at Greenwich from 1709 to 1714. Some of his work was published in the Philosophical Transactions (W. P. Courtney, Oliver, William (bap. 1658, d. 1716), rev. S. Glaser, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/20735, accessed 17 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Sloane Family Recipes

In his Recipes Project post, Arnold Hunt focused on the recipe books owned by Sir Hans Sloane. The Sloane family may have had an illustrious physician and collector in their midst, but they, too, collected medical recipes like many other eighteenth-century families. As Alun Withey points out, medical knowledge was of part of social currency. Three Sloane-related recipe books that I’ve located so far provide insight into some of the family’s domestic medical practices and interests.

Elizabeth Fuller: Collection of cookery and medical receipts
Credit: Wellcome Collection, London.

Two books are held at the British Library, donated in 1875 by the Earl of Cadogan. A book of household recipes, primarily for cookery, was owned by Elizabeth Sloane—Sloane’s daughter who married into the Cadogan family in 1717 (BL Add. MS 29739). The second book, c. 1750, contained medical, household and veterinary recipes (BL Add. MS 29740), including several attributed to Sir Hans Sloane. A third book, which belonged to Elizabeth Fuller, is held at the Wellcome Library (MS 2450) and is dated 1712 and 1820. Given the initial date and name, it is likely that the book’s first owner was Sloane’s step-daughter from Jamaica, Elizabeth Rose, who married John Fuller in 1703. Sloane’s nephew, William, married into the Fuller family as well in 1733.

Elizabeth Sloane, of course, compiled her collection long before her marriage; born in 1695, she was sixteen when she signed and dated the book on October 15, 1711. This was a common practice for young women who were learning useful housewifery skills. The handwriting in the book is particularly good, with lots of blank space left for new recipes, suggesting that this was a good copy book rather than one for testing recipes. There are, even so, some indications of use: a black ‘x’ beside recipes such as “to candy cowslips or flowers or greens” (f. 59), “for burnt almonds” (f. 57v) or “ice cream” (f. 56). The ‘x’ was a positive sign, as compilers tended to cross out recipes deemed useless.

The Cadogan family’s book of medicinal remedies appears to have been intended as a good copy, but became a working copy. In particular, the recipes to Sloane are written in the clearest hand in the text and appear to have been written first. Although there are several blank folios, there are also multiple hands, suggesting long term use. There are no textual indications of use, but several recipes on paper have been inserted into the text: useful enough to try, but not proven sufficiently to write in the book. As Elaine Leong argues, recipes were often circulated on bits of paper and stuck into recipe books for later, but entering a recipe into the family book solidified its importance—and that of the recipe donor—to the family.

Sloane’s recipes are the focal point of the Cadogan medical collection. Many of his remedies are homely, intended for a family’s everyday problems: shortness of breath, itch, jaundice, chin-cough, loose bowels, measles and worms. There are, however, two that spoke to his well-known expertise: a decoction of the [peruvian] bark (f. 8v)—something he often prescribed–and “directions for ye management of patients in the small-pox” (f. 10v).

Elizabeth Fuller compiled her book of medicinal and cookery recipes several years after her marriage and the book continued to be used by the family well into the nineteenth century. The book is written mostly in one hand, but there are several later additions, comments and changes in other hands. The recipes are  idiosyncractic and reflect the family’s particular interests: occasionally surprising ailments (such as leprosy) and a disproportionate number of remedies for stomach problems (flux, biliousness, and bowels). The family’s Jamaican connections also emerge with, for example, a West Indies remedy for gripes in horses (f. 23). There are no remedies included from Sloane, but several from other physicians.

This group of recipe books connected to the Sloane Family all show indications of use and, in particular, the Cadogan medical recipe collection and the Fuller book suggest that they were used by the family over a long period of time. Not surprisingly, the Fuller family drew some of their knowledge from their social and intellectual networks abroad.

But it is the presence or absence of Sloane’s remedies in the books that is most intriguing. Did this reflect a distant relationship between Sloane and his step-daughter? Hard to say, but it’s worth noting that his other step-daughter, Anne Isted, consulted him for medical problems and the Fuller family wrote to him about curiosities.

Or, perhaps, it highlights the emotional significance of collecting recipes discussed by Montserrat Cabré. Sloane was ninety-years old when the Cadogan family compiled their medical collection.

Hans Sloane Memorial Inscription, Chelsea, London. Credit: Alethe, Wikimedia Commons, 2009.

It must have been a bittersweet moment as Elizabeth Cadogan (presumably) selected what recipes would help her family to remember her father after he died: not just his most treasured and useful remedies, but ones that evoked memories of family illnesses and recoveries.

Letter 4523

Stephen Hales to Hans Sloane – July 15, 1732


Item info

Date: July 15, 1732
Author: Stephen Hales
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 147-148



Original Page



Transcription

To Sir Hans Sloane Bart. in Bloomsbury Square.

Howletts near Canterbury

July 15. 1732.

Sir,

I received your favour of ye 10th with the enclosed

yesterday, which I have this post sent to Mrs. Hales. I am very sorry to find Mr. Hodges so very unkind to his poor grandchildren who have never offended him; one would think the notorious injury he did their Parents in not settling the promised £500 per annum on them should move him to small amends at least; but it too often happens that those who have greatly injured others rarely forgive the injured. I should have waited on you to thank you for your good offices in the affair, if I had not been prevented by this journey.

I sent for my Haemastatical papers designing to make

some few additions and alterations; but will return them to you before the 26th of October, that you may if you approve of it finish the reading of them before the Society: Do not think of printing them till some time after the reading is over; for I am desirous to have them impartially examined that I may not be guilty of any heresies either in Philosophy or Physick.

I beg my service to Dr. Mortimer whose letter I answer

in this. Sir Thomas Hales who is now very well give his Service to you.

I am, Sir, your obliged humble Servant,

                                                 STEPHEN HALES.

Full transcription taken from: A. E. Clarke-Kennedy, Stephen Hales, D. D., F. R. S., An Eighteenth Century Biography (Cambridge, 1929), p. 115.

It is likely the Dr. Mortimer mentioned is Cromwell Mortimer, as Cromwell Mortimer had previously moved to Bloomsbury in 1729 at the request of Sloane and the letter refers to answering Mortimer also.

Hales received Sloane’s letter and sent it Mrs Hales. He is ‘very sorry to find Mr. Hodges so very unkind to his poor Grand children who have never offended him’ and writes of ‘the notorious injury he did their parents in not settleing the promised’ £500 per annum. Hales sent for his ‘hæmastatical papers’, to which he will ‘make some few additions & alterations’. He will return it for revision before having them read before the Royal Society. Hales wants the reviewer to make sure he does not commit any ‘Heresies either in Philosophy or Physick’.

Stephen Hales (1677-1761) was a clergyman and natural philosopher. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1718 and was celebrated for his experiments on the arterial systems of animals, food preservation, and ventilation (D. G. C. Allan, ‘Hales, Stephen (1677–1761)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2006 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/11915, accessed 4 Aug 2015]).




Patient Details

Letter 4361

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – August 21, 1731


Item info

Date: August 21, 1731
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: f. 315



Original Page



Transcription

A mathematician left Sloane’s things with Short. He will return the items, including ‘penknives’, soon. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Mary Wentworth
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Mary Wentworth has gone to 'Scarbrough, drunk the waters cheerfully & freely, for 6 weeks, returned home with inexpressible advantage both as to health, habit of body, Appetite, & sleep'. Short discusses his theory of Wentworth's case, including a short consideration of the weather's affect on her health. Her skin is discoloured and 'full of scars'.

  • Diagnosis

    Skin ailments; diarrhea.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    Short compares 'knavesbrough & scarbrough waters for the eradicating of this unlucky misfortune'. Neither had any affect on Wentworth. Scarborough waters were thrown on her hands. Lady Malton treated gave her 'Rhubarb in Beer' and tea.


    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:

    Her diarrhea returned sometime after. She then had 'smal Eruptions of the former sort tho prety well in Health in both cases'.

  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Diarrhea, Skin ailments

Letter 3819

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – June 7, 1732


Item info

Date: June 7, 1732
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 123-124



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 124] I had the favoure of yr letter about ten days agoe & not long after I received your very acceptable present of Bookes which were all new to me & very valuable for which & other yr favours I must always ackowledge my obligations to you. Mr Brewer came hither not long after I received yr letter wch I communicate to him & gave Micheli’s List of plants wch yu designed of him he told me that he believed he had the greatest part of them which he would very willingly oblige yu with if I would assist him in looking them out & numbering them in have yu through the marine plants, & have met with the greatest part you desired & have added several others wch seem to us non discripts. the rest we wil looke over as soon as we conveniently can. but the grapes & probes &c as wel as the marine plants are so numerable that I am afraid it wil be ten days before Mr Brewer can send yu his Cargoe along wth them I wil send you a fewe fossils Mr Petiver wil write to you by whome he sends the Box & when he sends yu his service I wish it was in my power in any aspect to showe how much I am your obliged servant Ric: Richardson North Bierley June 7 1732

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Shell Game: Martin Lister and the Conchological Collections of Sir Hans Sloane

By Anna Marie Roos

For my forthcoming book with Bodleian Library Press (The Lister Sisters: Women and the Art of Scientific Illustration), I have been researching the work of Martin Lister (1639-1712), a royal physician, vice president of the Royal Society, the first scientific conchologist and arachnologist, and a colleague and correspondent of Hans Sloane. Lister and his daughters Susanna and Anna produced the Historiae Conchyliorum  (1685-92), the first comprehensive study of conchology.  The work consisted of over 1000 copperplates portraying shells and molluscs that Lister collected from around the world, as well as an appendix of molluscan dissections and comparative anatomy.

We can see here that Lister's daughters Susanna and Anna were credited with doing the illustrations: "Susanna et Anna Lister pinx[erunt]".

We can see here that Lister’s daughters Susanna and Anna were credited with doing the illustrations: “Susanna et Anna Lister Figuras pin[xerunt]”.

Some of the shells that Lister’s daughters illustrated still exist in the collections of the Natural History Museum in London, as part of the original collection of Sir Hans Sloane.  When Sloane went to Jamaica in 1687, Lister asked him to bring back specimens not only of shells but of what he termed ‘naked snails’ or slugs.   Lister also borrowed specimens from the virtuoso and collector William Courten or Charleton (1642–1702), dedicating his Historiae to him.  Courten had a public museum of curiosities in a suite of ten rooms in the Temple, London, including artwork, specimens of flora and fauna, and archaeological objects.  In turn, Sloane bought the collection entire, including Courten’s shells that the Listers illustrated in their book.

When he catalogued the Sloane Shell collection, Guy Wilkins first noticed the existence of the original specimens in the NHM collections, and I wished to investigate the provenance of the shells a bit further with the help of the delightful Kathie Way, the senior curator of mollusca.  I also was curious about the techniques that Susanna and Lister used to portray the specimens. There were no set rules for scientific illustration in the seventeenth century, and it was an era before the development of binomial nomenclature to classify species taxonomically. Lister and his daughters were therefore creating standards for classification and identification of species.

I first noticed that when the Listers had an actual specimen to illustrate, they portrayed the shells in a one-to-one scale for ready identification.  In the case of a shell from the genus patella, or a true limpet, the shell can be laid flatly on the page, and it seems that his daughters traced around its periphery to portray its margins accurately in the final engraving.  It is possible to place the shell down on the drawing and get a perfect match.

Patella granulatis, Sloane 1013, Natural History Museum, London next to its portrayal by Anna Lister in the Historiae Conchyliorum.  Courtesy, NHM, London

Patella granulatis, Sloane 1013, Natural History Museum, London next to its portrayal by Anna Lister in the Historiae Conchyliorum, Table 536. Photo by Anna Marie Roos, © The Natural History Museum, London.

patella1

Photo by Anna Marie Roos, © The Natural History Museum, London.

 

Ostrea squamosa, Sloane Collection, NHM London and its portrayal in the Historiae Conchyliorum

Ostrea squamosa, Sloane Collection, NHM London and its portrayal in the Historiae Conchyliorum, Table 184. Photo by Anna Marie Roos, © The Natural History Museum, London.

We also see the same technique utilized in the portrayal of this scallop shell, Ostrea squamosa, which is the lectotype, a biological specimen selected to serve as a definitive “type” example of a species.  Anna Lister portrayed the markings on the surface of the shell absolutely accurately in her copperplate engraving.

There is effective use and adaptation of perspective in the illustrations by the Lister Sisters.  Melo aetheopica has a distinctive umbilicus, the origin from which the whorls of the shell grew.  However, looking down upon the shell hides this feature that is of great use in classification.  As a result, Susanna Lister traced its outline to obtain the general shape and then tilted it upwards to reveal the umbilicus. Her use of perspective construction was thus was not “strictly correct” but opportunistic, entirely in keeping with what Martin Kemp has demonstrated in his work concerning the historical uses of perspective construction.  Her artistic judgment went beyond copying the shell, to featuring it as a taxonomic specimen of use in identification.

Melo aetheopica, Sloane Collection, Natural History Collection net to its portrayal by Susanna Lister. Note she altered the perspective to see the distinguishing characteristic of the umbilicus.

Melo aetheopica, Sloane 2374, Natural History Collection next to its portrayal by Susanna Lister in the Historiae, Table 801. Note she altered the perspective so it is possible to see the distinguishing characteristic of the umbilicus. Photo by Anna Marie Roos, © The Natural History Museum, London.

umbi2

Photo by Anna Marie Roos, © The Natural History Museum, London.

Currently, we are tracing the provenance of Sloane’s shell collection using inventories, correspondence, and information from the drawings themselves.  Specimen exchange and collection involved far-reaching networks: traders, apothecaries, physicians, naturalists, and collectors all populated a vast intellectual geography to create the conchological collections of Sloane and the British Museum.

References

Martin Kemp, The Science of Art (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).

Martin Lister, Historiae Conchyliorum (London: by the author, 1685-92).

Anna Marie Roos, ‘The Art of Science: A ‘Rediscovery of the Lister Copperplates’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 66 (1) (2012), pp. 19-40.

Anna Marie Roos, ‘A discovery of Martin Lister ephemera: the construction of early modern scientific texts‘, The Bodleian Library Record, 26, 1 (April 2013), pp. 123-135.

Anna Marie Roos, Web of Nature: Martin Lister (1639-1712), the First Arachnologist (Leiden: Brill, 2011).

Kathie Way, ‘Invertebrate Collections’, In: Arthur MacGregor, (ed.) Sir Hans Sloane, Collector, Scientist, Antiquary, Founding Father of the British Museum (London: British Museum Publishing, 1994). pp. 93-110.

Guy Wilkins, ‘A Catalogue and Historical Account of the Sloane Shell Collection’, Bulletin of The British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series, 1, 1, (London: 1953), pp.  3-50.

Letter 1691

William Derham to Hans Sloane – August 18, 1710


Item info

Date: August 18, 1710
Author: William Derham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4042
Folio: ff. 164-165



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 165] Sr Upminster Aug 18 1710 Yesterday dining with Sr Richd Child gave me an opportunity of meeting old Lady Child (formerly widow of the famous Mr Chr: Willughby) & Mrs Willughby daughter of The same Mr Willughby, with whom I had a long conversation about the draughts of In- sects wch Mr Will- left behind him, & wch I saw in Mr Rays hands. I earnestly recom- mended to them to have them engraved, & promised my assistance to sort them, & make references of them to ye published Book, &c. But they told me yt Sr Tho: Willughby, & they also for their parts took it ill, yt Mr Will papers should be published in Mr Rays name, & he carry away yt honr they thought due to their Far, yt Sr Thomas & Dr Mann had laboured in yework, for near 2 years, & had divers Plates engraved in order to its publica[ti]on, wch are now lying by them. But they said they would consult Sr Tho. In the matter, & they did believe if Mt Rays Hist. Insect. could bear an Edition in Willughbys name or to as to do him due honour whose share therein is the greatest, yt St Tho: and they would be at the ex- pence of Engraving the Plates, & give us another & far better Edition of ye Hist. Insectorum. I had them about me, & shewed them several Lrs of Mr Rays to me relating to ye publica[ti]on of his Hist: Insect. in his life-timel wchthey desired copies of, but I put off by delays for some rea- sons I will tell you. If you remember I was of opini- on when the matter was first transacted in the Society, & I chosen of ye Committee, yt we had better not be hasty in the publica[ti]on, till be had consulted Sr Tho: Will- in the case: & I find by them if we had done so, we should have had all Mr Willughbies Icons, & other too me at their charge. I give you this speedy notice of our yesterdays discourse, because I know you will hear further of it, & yt you may transact ac- cordingly wth Sr Tho: Will-, or any body else for the service & benefit of that Book, as also think of some excuse for our publica[ti]on thereof wth out their knowledge, wch they look upon as no better than surreptitious. I made the best excuse I could, as yt we are teized for the Book, I were all of us in hast to have any thin that their Far was so far concerned in, & a book yt was indeed so much wanted in the curious & learned world, & some other things I will tell you of, all wch some what appeased them. And as you must expect to hear all this over again, so I leave you to farther ex- cuse the Society, & to sollicite Sr Thomass favour for the Plates, wch I believe it will be much in your power to obtain. I should be glad to see you & talk wth you farther about this, but we are busy still in harvest, yt I cant come to London, but wish for you here, where you shall find an hearty wellcome to Your much obliged humble servt Wm Derham My Wifes humble service to you, & mine to yr Lady.

Derham was a Church of England clergyman and a natural philosopher, interested in nature, mathematics, and philosophy. He frequently requested medical advice from Sloane, and likely served as a physician to his family and parishioners (Marja Smolenaars, Derham, William (16571735), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 2 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 4035

Richard Middleton Massey to Geo. Edwards – March 12, 1740


Item info

Date: March 12, 1740
Author: Richard Middleton Massey
Recipient: Geo. Edwards

Library: British Library
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4066
Folio: f. 126



Original Page



Transcription

Massey makes mention of “deeads & some odd imperfect fragmants” as well as some “drawings or prints[.]” (Letter is torn in half). Richard Middleton Massey (1678-1743) attended Brasenose College, Oxford but left before obtaining a degree. In 1706 he was admitted Extra-Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians and settled in Wisbech where he practiced medicine. Massey was elected Fellow of the Royal Society in 1712. He compiled the catalogue of the library of the Royal College of Physicians in 1727 (http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/2969).




Patient Details

Letter 0626

Victor Ferguson to Hans Sloane – July 23, 1700


Item info

Date: July 23, 1700
Author: Victor Ferguson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 38-39



Original Page



Transcription

Victor Ferguson (d. 1729) was a physician of Newtown, near Belfast (Toby C. Bernard, A New Anatomy of Ireland: The Irish Protestants, 1649-1770 (Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2003), ch. 5; “Fergusons of Belfast” URL: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~colin/FergusonsOfIreland/Belfast.htm).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Unnamed Gentleman
    Gender:
    Age:60 years old.
  • Description

    If the patient went longer than four hours without eating or drinking, he became 'insensibly positive and willful'; he spit constantly (clear spittle), and became senseless, recognizing no one. He staggered around like a drunk for a considerable time, and then sank down, foaming, and 'would choke if left alone'. When on horseback, he reeled side to side and bent backwards until he fell off; the patient slept soundly, but foamed while doing so, and could not be left unsupervised. If one attempted to feed the patient mid-episode, he thrashed and resisted.

  • Diagnosis

    'A species of epilepsy' which Ferguson has not encountered before.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:

    Ferguson obtained the patient's consent to trigger an episode so he could observe; the patient remembered nothing afterward. By regulating the patient's diet (eating every four hours), Ferguson was attempting to manage the episodes.


    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Age, Eyes, Dizziness, Epilepsy, Balance