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Letter 3727

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1729/30


Item info

Date: March 9, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 286-287



Original Page



Transcription

Short describes his use of tea in the treatment of diarrhea and dysentery. The recipe for the tea is provided. There are several examples given of Short’s tea curing diarrhea, dysentery, and consumption. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




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Letter 3733

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1729/30


Item info

Date: March 9, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 286-287



Original Page



Transcription

Short describes his use of tea in the treatment of diarrhea and dysentery. The recipe for the tea is provided. There are several examples given of Short’s tea curing diarrhea, dysentery, and consumption. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 3730

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1729/30


Item info

Date: March 9, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 286-287



Original Page



Transcription

Short describes his use of tea in the treatment of diarrhea and dysentery. The recipe for the tea is provided. There are several examples given of Short’s tea curing diarrhea, dysentery, and consumption. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 3731

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1729/30


Item info

Date: March 9, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 286-287



Original Page



Transcription

Short describes his use of tea in the treatment of diarrhea and dysentery. The recipe for the tea is provided. There are several examples given of Short’s tea curing diarrhea, dysentery, and consumption. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 3726

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1729/30


Item info

Date: March 9, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 286-287



Original Page



Transcription

Short describes his use of tea in the treatment of diarrhea and dysentery. The recipe for the tea is provided. There are several examples given of Short’s tea curing diarrhea, dysentery, and consumption. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 3164

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – June 3, 1725


Item info

Date: June 3, 1725
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: ff. 348-349



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 349] Hond Sr The begining of last weeke I received yr letter & on saterday last yr glatrouse [?] & obliging present of Lob: Jeones [?] & yr 2d vol: of yr Nat: Hist: of Jamaca for which I now return yu my hearty thankes; by the litle spare time I have had to inspect it since it came, I find it to be a very elaborate & lumiouse performance & worthy of so great an Author. when I am a litle more at liberty I wil carefully & with much pleasure read it over. & I do not doubt but it wil fully answer my expectation. I am very sorry you have been so uncivilly used by my old friend the Consul; I heartily wish yu had acquainted me with your desire of seing Breynius’s collection before it was returned or any thing the Consul was master of for as I was in intrested in desiring the favoure of you to communicate to him severall curiouse collections of plants in yr possession in order to crry on more effectually his edition of Barkinus’s Priax [?] which yu very headily & freely complyed with; & indeed common justice ought to have obliged him to promote yr designe with the same zeal & friendship yu did his & I can not forbear taking it ill from him if he weather continue to be fair I thinke of taking a Tour into the north next weeke & if I meet with any thing worth communicating to yu, yu may be assured to hear from your most obliged servant Ric: Richardson North Bierley June 3d 1725

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

A Death by Unicorn Horn in 1730

On the 28th of August 1730, Joseph Hastings died after receiving “several mortal Bruises with an Unicorn’s Horn”, wielded by John Williams of St. Andrew’s Holborn eleven days earlier. The assault occurred on a Holborn skittle-ground, witnessed by several local men.

Robert Linsey deposed that Joseph Hastings arrived at the skittle-ground “with the Horn in his Hand, and some old Clothes”. According to the defendent, he had been on his way for a pint of beer when he met a friend who encouraged him to drink a pint of gin instead (to help with his ague). While passing through the skittle ground, Williams picked up the horn and “ask’d the Deceas’d, what he would have for it?” When Hastings replied “it was worth more Money than he had in his Pocket”, Williams contemptuously offered three pence.

    Narwhal tusk. These tusks could grow to several metres in length and were often traded as unicorn horns. Powdered unicorn horns had medicinal uses. Credit: Science Museum, London, Wellcome Images.

Narwhal tusk. These tusks could grow to several metres in length and were often traded as unicorn horns. Powdered unicorn horns had medicinal uses. Credit: Science Museum, London, Wellcome Images.

Hastings unsurprisingly refused, demanding that Williams return the horn. Witnesses testified that Hastings bragged that he had “been bid more Money for that Horn, than any Man at the Ground had in his Pocket”—by no-one other than Sir Hans Sloane himself. Williams called Hastings “a fancy Son of a B – h, and if he spoke two Words more he would knock him down with it”.

At this point, things are a little unclear. According to the defendant, Hastings swore at him “and lifted up his Hand with the Bowl in order to throw it at him”. Williams claimed that he merely pushed Hastings off in self defence and that it was an accident that Hastings fell back onto the stump.

But some witnesses saw Williams as the aggressor. John Drew saw Williams strike Hastings in the stomach with the horn, then push “him on on the Jaw with the end of it”. After Hastings fell onto a stump, Williams again hit him with the horn until someone took it away. Williams then kicked Hastings “upon his Breast, Belly, and Members”. Hastings was unconscious for at least two minutes.

Charles Wentworth, added “That he had never seen so vile and barbarous a Thing done in his Life”. The other men at the skittle ground held Williams back to keep him from following Hastings, who “went away in a very bloody Condition”. Wentworth visited Hastings several times after the attack: his “Head had been broke, and his Head and Face bruis’d in five places” and his genitals “look’d like a piece of Neck-Beef”.

Much of testimony considered whether or not Williams could be responsible for Hastings’ later death. Apothecary Richard Buckley attended the patient on 27 August, noting that the scrotum was discoloured. He thought the cause of death was probably an apoplexy. The autopsy after Hastings died was inconclusive. Although surgeon Mr Smith believed that the injuries were the cause of death, both Noah Sherwood and Henry Hildip did not think that the injuries were severe enough. The deceased had a rupture in his scrotum, but minor bruises and no skull fracture. The real clincher, perhaps, was that several people saw Hastings walking around after his injuries.

For those close to Hastings, Williams’ guilt was obvious. Mrs Hastings provided the sad testimony that her husband had left home in perfect health and returned with a broken head, “the Mark of a Foot on his Face, and a Bruise the side of his Neck and Throat”. Her neighbours, Mr and Mrs Waller, and brother-in-law spoke about Hastings’ continual pain and insistence that, if he died, it was because of Williams’ attack.

The jury acquitted Williams.

In many ways, this is an ordinary tale of a brutal assault with terrible consequences. The case itself, though, gives us a tantalizing glimpse into daily life in Holborn: neighbours who witnessed the attack or helped to nurse the patient, the importance of the skittle-ground in local social life, the use of any weapon that came to hand, the prickliness of each man’s sense of honour, the use of gin as a remedy for ague…

But it is the unicorn horn and reference to Sloane that captures my attention. The fact that Hastings possessed a unicorn horn is intriguing: from where did he get it and for what price? It was clearly valuable to him—and of interest to others, such as Williams. Had he taken the horn out that day with the intention of showing it off to friends, or (perhaps for a small price) to people down at the local tavern? Sloane’s fame, moreover, even extended to skittle-ground skuffles. His name, it appears, was readily identifiable in popular culture with the trade in curiosities, possibly enhancing the value of an asociated object.

A fascination with curiosities was not only for the educated, but was widespread in eighteenth-century society. The unicorn horn tale is just the tip: people eagerly paid to see wild men or bearded ladies and other wonders. But the story also reveals that the wealthy were not the only ones who might have a prized collection of curiosities; those lower down the social scale could, too—even if it was just a single, and singular, unicorn horn.

You can read the records from the trial at The Proceedings of the Old Bailey Online.

Letter 2598

James Mackenzie to Hans Sloane – July 30, 1720


Item info

Date: July 30, 1720
Author: James Mackenzie
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4076
Folio: ff. 93-94



Original Page



Transcription

(f. 93) Sir I’m desired by Sir Adolphus Oughton to let you know how ill he has been for this week past. The side of his face began to swell, and be very uneasie to him on Wednesday last which was a month from the day that he was taken ill in the same manner and the second time that he observd it to return precisely at the end of the month. On Thursday night the pain grew so violent that no torture could be more acute; it was mitigated a little with a fomentation, a pultice and an anodyne draught: but afterwards perceiving that the pain grew more intense every other night, shooting in to his ear with such violence that no patience could endure it, He took (in order to prevent it, or at least make it more tolerable) several doses of the bark in the same form that you was pleased to prescribe it: this tryal was so far successful that the pain in his ear has never been very troublesome to him since, but still the side of his face continues very hard, tense, red and full of pain. The days are somewhat tolerable, but the nights exceeding grievous to him, for as he has always more or less of a fever upon him at that time, the swelling and pain increase in proportion, so that he rests and sleeps but very (f. 93v) little. He sweats much which together with the pain and fever make him very weak and low spirited. One thing surprizes [torn] which in my humble opinion is easie to be accounted for; He [had] yesterday a chilness which lasted about six or seven minutes and dureing that time the swelling sunk somewhat, and the pain was abated all of a sudden, but as he grew hot immediately after, the swelling increased more, and the pain returnd as formerly. This morning also the swelling was less than in the night, and the pain ceas’d leaving no soreness to the touch; tho’ now at 12 o’clock after having taken a dose of the bark and a glass of wine and water, the pain begins to return; that is, I presume, whenever the motion of the blood becomes more languid, as in a cold fit, or after an access of the fever has spent it self, the blood dos not beat against the obstructed part with so much violence, whence the distension and pain must abate; the contrary to which happens in s hot fit where the blood moves with a greater rapidity; this I write to satisfy Sir Adolphus and not to inform you whom I acknowledge with pleasure to be vastly my superior. The part is now red, swelld and full of pain, and pits below the ear from the pressure of the finger, nor dos any pus yet come by the salival duct as it used to do at London, so that we hope it may break outwardly. This is the fourth return of the same illness, and every return (f. 94) [has] acquired more strength and violence than the preceding. [torn] the whole your advice is very much desired by Sir Adolphus Sir Your most obedient humble servant James Mackenzie Barwick July 30th 1728 Pray adress your answer to me at Sir Adolphus’s house at Tatchbrooke near Warwick Mr Amiand has been sent to by this Post

The letter is franked “Fre. A. Oughton” and postmarked 2 Au. Warwick.




Patient Details

Letter 2659

William Oliver to Hans Sloane – October 27, 1739.


Item info

Date: October 27, 1739.
Author: William Oliver
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4076
Folio: ff. 175-176



Original Page



Transcription

Fols. 175-176 I believe an account of the progress of Sir William Thomson’s disorders from the time of his coming hither to its now, almost fatal period, cannot be unacceptable to you, though we both grieve the loss of our best natured men of our acquaintance. I think you were informed of his having voided some blood, both by stool, and vomiting before he left London; His stools continued full of [] blood for three or five days after he came hither, by which, and the foregoing discharges he was reduced to the last degree of weakness. From that time we had no more signs of any Blood in his stools; his chiefe complaint was of an uneasy, sometimes painful sensation in his stomach; everything, tho’ of the lightest kind on Broths, or Panadas lay like a heavy load and still gave fresh cause of complaining. At night he generally told us that he was troubled – things flying before his eyes, which at first he described as black [] after that as red bits of cloth which gradually grew larger and larger till they came to be red spoons. An odd phenomenon which I must leave to be accounted for by persons better skilled in opticks than I am. Perhaps as the whole vascular system, relaxed more, and more larger and larger globules of blood entered the lymphaticks of the retinas and by making percussions similar to those which the light reflected from such external objects, as he seemed to see, would have done, he had the same sensations as he would have had if such objects had really been [] to his virio. But this I fear is a poor conjecture and unphilosophical. In this state he continued a good while, only gradually diminishing in strength, tho’ he took down swiftly quantities of soft liquid food and once or twice a little bread pudding. About a fortnight ago he began to complain of a great dryness in his throat and an uneasiness of swallowing. Soon after the edge of the tip of his tongue grew hairy [?], white and almost transparent, and we did not doubt from all his complainings but that an aphthous crust would creep down the throat and probably pass us a thorough thrush to the anus. We accordingly foresaw that though he now had no stools but from emollient clysters, a diarrhea must soon [?] and be the last act of this fatal tragedy, perhaps from the mouths of the lacteads being covered over with the aphthous crust. About four days since the looseness began and has contined till now, when all the motions of his fluids are within a few hours of quite ceasing. About the time that the tongue grew hairy he began to show the disroder of his mind, descending on the weakness of his bodie; all his delirameata were about [?] processes and other parts of law, and tho’ he would collect all his strength to help himself out of what he saw sometimes to be only an [?] mentis, yet he soon relapsed, and seemed to have struggled to get out of the deep tracks made by a long and constant train of thinking, to as little purpose as a poor hare, just hunted down, [?] to pass a number of large ruts of heavy carriages; she rambles, she staggers and at last sinks in the insuperable burrow! A few hours will put an end to the life of this Gentleman, whose good qualities you were long acquainted with, and for whom I don’t doubt but you had a great regard, as he always expressed the truest esteem for you. I must beg a thousand pardons for troubling you with so long a letter, in which some things are almost [?]; but I know your great candor will excuse a trouble flowing from respect to you, and a dying friend, and by which I meant to show you how much I am…

William Oliver was a physician and qualified as a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1692. He was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1704 and worked at the Royal Hospital at Greenwich from 1709 to 1714. Some of his work was published in the Philosophical Transactions (W. P. Courtney, Oliver, William (bap. 1658, d. 1716), rev. S. Glaser, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/20735, accessed 17 July 2013]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: Sir William Thomson
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Sir William was in the fatal stage of his illness, according to Oliver. He had 'voided blood' through vomiting and through its presence in his stools. This was accompanied by a painful sensation in his stomach and an inability to digest even the lightest food. Sir William also appeared to be suffering from delirium, although Oliver felt insufficiently qualified to sustain his medical explanation of that diagnosis ('...this I fear is a poor conjecture and unphilosophical'). The patient also complained of dryness in his throat and of having difficulty swallowing; a hairy, white tongue and an aphthous crust forming on the throat and (Oliver conjectured) spreading to the anus. Oliver concluded that the 'disorder of the his mind [was] descending on the weakness of his bodie'.

  • Diagnosis
  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    Emollient clysters had been used to aid the passing of stools.


    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Stomach, Mouth, Throat, Blood, Emotions

Letter 3030

Thomas Ekhines to Hans Sloane – May 2, 1724


Item info

Date: May 2, 1724
Author: Thomas Ekhines
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: ff. 170-171



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 170] There is a small Uninhabited Island of a Mile and half Long that Lyeth Over against Jamaica so near the Spanish-Court that the East End of it is within a Cables Length of the shore, and the West End not half Gun shott, with a Deep Chanel for ships Each Way and a Perfit fine Port Betwixt, the English Call it Monkey Key, the Dutch the Grout, and the Spaniards Little Jamaica, the Island is Well Wooded and Watered and Abounds With Birds and Fish, Lyeth High, is health, and hath a Good Soyle for Planting, it is 10 Miles to the Eastward of Portobello, and sees all the ships that Goeth there, and Will Infallibly Coman the Isthmus of America and its silver in times of Warr, and have the hade in Peace. The Continent Over against it is all a Perpetuall Wood and Uninhabited, Nothing Nearer to it then PortoBello which is 10 Miles, and Panama on the South Sea Which is 60 Miles, There is 2 or 3 fine Rivers that Run Downe Just by the Island and the soyle all Round is Rich Like the Island and Capable of Produceing Ginger, Cotton, Indico, Pieamento, Suger, Cacao, Fustick, Lignum Vite, Ebonie, with Gumes and Druges, Enough for all Europe, the Suger of Jamaica is 50 p’r Cent finer then that of Barbados and the Leeward Islands, soo that the same Labour that Getts 20 shillings in the one Place Gets 30 Shillings in the Other, and in the Worst Place it Produces 4 Times as much Vallew as it Doth in England, the Sun and the Soyle Conduceing thereunto, This Island and the parts about it that Never was Ocupied by the Spaniards Lookes as if it Could Produce Sugers as the Brasiels; it is at this Very Place where the Greatest Trade is allways Caried on for Our Manufactorys for Silver, the Jamaica Sloopes being heer a Tradeing all the Year Round, and the Spaniards, Comeing Cross the Land with their Silver. The Dutch and the French are heer allso Tradeing, and all Nations are suposed to Vend heer for Near a Million Sterling a Year, But it is Lyable to be Fortified and kept by the First Nation that thinks on it, the Dutch have Corriso [Curacao] and Surinam on and Near the Continent and the French Caian [Cayenne] on the Continent and Half of Hispaniola, and Now a New Settlement they are Makeing of half the Bay of Mexico, Notwithstanding the Spaniards Claimes it all by the Popes Grant. There are abundance of People in Scotland and Ireland and Perhaps some from his Maj’ts Dominions in Germani that Can make a Most advantagious settlement heer, which Will be of More Vallew to England then all her Other Collonys, But the Port alone is of the Utmost Consiquence, for if his Maj’ty shall be Pleased to Fortifie and keep it, which may be Dun Imediatly with Only the Charge of One Third Rate ship of 460 Men on his Maj’ty signing a Warrant to the Treasury and Make it Perpetuall That the Mony the Parliament shall Give Yearly for Maintaining that Number of Men at Sea, insteed of Being paid to the Treasurer of the… be paid to the Agent of the Comander or Governour of this Plave as is Usually… Agent of a Regiment and that he the Governour provide 460 picked… for the sick and With a sleep or two at is Own Charges to attend the Island and with it Guners for the Garison and as Many of the Number of 460 men as he can Conveniently Procure to be Picked Stout Seasoned Marien Soldiers his Maj’ty allowing a Transport ship or two to Carry them all over at Once With the 70 Guns and Guners Stores that is allowed a third Rate ship for sovereigne Voiages, With some Tooles for Building a Fort and clearing Ground and 2000 Muskets Spare for a Magazien, the Men shall be Imediatly Got and caried out and set to Build the Fort, and its advantagious Lyeing South from Jamaica and the Winds allways East the Sloop Can Goe Forth and Back and Fetch Supplyes of What is Wanted in a Weekes time all the Year Round. If his Maj’ty shall Declare this a Free Port, for all Nations to Come, upon paying the Small Allowances, and if there allowances be 5 per Cent on all English Manufactorys and 10 per Cent on all those of Foreigners they Will Gladly pay it, for all the Merchants at Jamaica Do Now Give 10 per Cent to the Captaines of the Men of War that Goe Over to this Very place to Trade, and 4 years agoe they allways Gave Much more (Viz) half the Profit from Jamaica to the Spaniards, so that there is no Doubt but the Merchants will Gladly Consent to the thing, and that it Will allso bring in Twice as Much as the Whole Charges, and the Nation of England Will Trade 10 per Cent Cheaper then any Foreigner, and as this is a Thing soe soon and soe Easely Done and of such Prodigious Consiquences that the Whole Trade of the Galions Can not be safe to the Crowne of Spaine Except his Maj’ty Pleaseth, The Woren out soyles of Barbados and the Leeward Islands Can heer be Largely Provided for with Greater Plenty and Much more safly then those Litle Places that are Constantly taken and Plundered by the Enemy at the Great Expence of England to Restore by Great Soms from Parliament as well as Men of War and Regiments to Guard them, and Where they have no such thing as a Spanish Trade to Bring in Silver. it is Most Humbly hopes his Maj’ty Will be Graciously Pleased to take so Great An Advantage Whilst it is to be Had. Tho Ekhines

Ekhines proposes the building of a fort and port on an uninhabited island near Jamaica to establish a colony and protect England’s interests in the West Indies. Sloane is to present the proposal to Robert Walpole. See: Sloane MS 4047, fol. 169.




Patient Details