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Giants’ Shoulders #55: Curiosities, Utility and Authority

Welcome to the 55th edition of The Giants’ Shoulders, a blog carnival that rounds up history of science blogging from the last month. This carnival takes as themes three issues that would have been very familiar to eighteenth-century collector and physician, Sir Hans Sloane: curiosities, utility and authority.

Richard Greene’s museum at Lichfield, the “Lichfield clock”
Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Curiosities for Sloane were wide ranging and could include interesting natural objects, strange stories, or ingenius man-made ones. Over at depictedscience there is an excerpt from Robert Hooke’s Micrographia (1664): a detailed picture of a fly as seen through a magnifying glass, along with a short description. Strange stories always captured the interest of early modern scientific minds. Adrienne Mayor at Wonders and Marvels writes on Sir Arthur Conan Doyle and a sea monster, while Laetitia Barber at Morbid Anatomy has some ideas on making your own ghosts. New inventions showed human ingenuity, such as the umbrella-vator from the 1780s (The Appendix tumblr) and the stethoscope (The Rose Melnick Medical Museum). Richard Carter at The Friends of Darwin porposes a theory for what some ancient Roman jars might be, reminding me of early Philosophical Transactions letters. But the greatest curiosity of all this month is the ideal historian of science spotted over at The Renaissance Mathematicus, though perhaps Thomas Young the polymath, discussed at OpenScientist, might have fit the bill.

Sloane, like many eighteenth-century people, believed that knowledge should be beneficial, especially to society as a whole. From Seb Falk we learn that knowing how to use an astrolabe could save your life, while Jonathon Keats at Culture Lab wonders whether the science in Sherlock Holmes stories would actually have worked. Maria Popova (Brain Pickings) recounts the tale of Charles Babbage’s fight against noise pollution, a battle that he eventually (sort of) won. Jai Virdi has a series of posts, starting with “The Pretensions of Dr. Turnbull“, that look at the nineteenth-century debates about the efficacy of Turbull’s treatments for deafness. Turnbull’s methods may have been in question, but Alfred Russel Wallace’s 1876 map of evolution in the natural world has stood the test of time, since it was only just updated in 2012. RIP to Rita Levi-Montalcini, a truly useful person who brought benefits to society throughout her life. She recently died at the age of 103 after a full life in which she overcame anti-semitism, a male-dominated establishment and scientific dogma — and won the Nobel prize.

Sloane lived at a time when medical and scientific authority was in flux, as they tried to establish who should be considered reliable–a question that hasn’t gone away, just changed form. Seth LeJacq discusses the different treatments for breast cancer preferred by early modern surgeons and their patients, while Vanessa Heggie considers the history of dieting advice. Kirsten Walsh at Early Modern Experimental Philosophy suggests that Isaac Newton and his contemporary experimental philosophers had fundamentally different worldviews, while Thony Christie asks who kept Stephen Grey from publishing in the Philosophical Transactions. Possibly Sloane… In December, there was a hullabaloo about science, authority, and criticism, which is summed up nicely by Rebekah Higgit who wonders what scientists and historians each bring to the analysis of science in society.

Museums are sites where authority, utility, and curiosity all come together, much as they did in Sloane’s own collections. At American Science, Lukas Rieppel ponders the rise and fall of a research mission in a natural history museum: what does it say about the broader society when a museum decides that research is no longer important? Sloane, who collected so that he might understand the world around him, would have been troubled by the lack of curiosity in curiosities.

Giants’ Shoulders #56 will be hosted by Michael Barton (@darwinsbulldog) at The Dispersal of Darwin on February 16. See you there!

An Unusual Case of Menstruation in Eighteenth-Century England

“Mrs Wilson’s Case”, undated and unsigned, appears in the final volume of Hans Sloane’s Medical Correspondence and Cases (Sloane MS 4078, f. 372). Mrs Wilson’s troubles began the previous spring. She noticed in May that her tongue was occasionally sore when she ate, which she assumed must have been the result of a loose tooth cutting it. An obvious conclusion, with a seemingly obvious treatment: having the tooth pulled. But she waited until July before taking “a Friends Advice” to do just that.

Watercolour drawing of a Hunterian chancre situated on the dorsum of the tongue, 1892. The patient was a young woman, aged 22. Credit: St Bartholomew’s Hospital Archives & Museum, Wellcome Images.

Mrs Wilson’s tongue continued to worsen and she called in “an old experienced surgeon”, who prescribed medicinal gargles of all kinds. By August, it was clear that the gargles were not helping. Mrs. Wilson had a noticeable ulcer on her tongue. This time, the surgeon prescribed other remedies to treat internal blockages, possibly caused by a scorbutic or venereal problem. He gave her mild mercurial pills and purges.[1] He salivated her.[2] He applied a seton to the back of her neck.[3] He gave her a linctus.[4]

Nowadays, we might think these sorts of remedies were overkill in treating a mere mouth ulcer, when surely a topical treatment like Bonjela would do the trick! But the use of the term “ulcer” to describe Mrs Wilson’s problem is misleading for modern readers; in early modern usage, “ulcer” referred specifically to an open sore that seeped morbid matter. This was a much more serious problem. She had other symptoms, too, such as a pinching in her throat and pain in her ear and head. The swelling of her tongue kept increasing.

During treatment, the sore had been “ebbing and flowing”, which initially gave some hopes of a cure, but when a fungus developed over it, the surgeon “confessed it to be a discouraging case”. He consulted a second surgeon, who seemed to have more success. The fungus cleared up within a week, allowing the second surgeon to focus once more on the ulcer—at least until the fungus reappeared within a fortnight. This was treated quickly, but the fungus again returned again two weeks later, and started to spread up the tongue. This was becoming cyclical. Another fortnight passed, at which point both surgeons decided to consult Sloane.

One section of the case, marked “N.B.” to indicate its importance, explained that the salivation had “brought her Courses [menstruation] uopn her before the Time, but she has never had them since.” Indeed, the situation took an odd turn: “Some time after the salivation the Tongue voided Blood wch the old surgeon acknowledged might be the Courses flowing to the Part & bled her in the Foot.” Mrs Wilson had since been bled twice, but “the Blood continues to flow thither periodically”.

Mrs Wilson, it appeared, was menstruating through her tongue. This process, known as vicarious menstruation, has been neatly described in a blog post by Helen King: nature seeking an alternative path out of a woman’s body when her menstrual flow was suppressed. The dominant explanation for menstruation was that the body needed to purge itself of a plethora of blood, which men ordinarily excreted through sweat; plethora would continue to build up in a person’s body, leading to a variety of health problems if it was not released. Common forms of vicarious menstruation included nosebleeds, coughing up blood, or bleeding haemorrhoids.[5] These alternative flows might have been ‘natural’, but they certainly weren’t desirable; the new pathways had been created by the acidity of the stagnant, corrupted mass of blood.

So what did the eminent physician Sloane think? His response is cryptically indicated by the prescription that he scrawled on the top of the page in two lines of Latin abbreviations. He agreed with some of the first surgeon’s treatments, recommending first that Mrs Wilson be bled from the foot. This was a common method of drawing down a woman’s menstruation and re-establishing its correct path. He also aimed to treat the corrupted blood, which was causing the ulcer, by means of a cathartic electuary (a strong purge). Sloane, however, may have been a bit sceptical about the mercurial treatments, as suggested by his prescription for gold powder—a treatment to counteract mercury poisoning.

The tongue itself was an unusual location for vicarious menstruation, but certainly not impossible: any open sore offered a potential exit for retained blood. Helen King wondered in her blog post how patients suffering from vicarious menstruation might have reacted. Mrs Wilson’s case describes her physical pains, as well as the discouragement of the first surgeon, which hints at her experience. But perhaps the simple list of symptoms is evocative enough: swollen tongue, ulcer, fungal growth and periodically bleeding tongue. Enough said. It puts my teeth on edge.

[1] Mercury was used to treat venereal and scorbutic problems, which were thought to result from a hot, poisonous humour.

[2] A treatment that aimed to drain bad humours of the body through a continuous flow of saliva.

[3] A small surgical hole in the skin, kept open to allow drainage of bad humours.

[4] A cough medicine, presumably in this case an expectorant one to expel the phlegm in the lungs.

[5] On menstruating men, see my Wonders and Marvels post. On a periodically bleeding leg ulcer, see Sara Read’s post.

 

Letter 2577

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – May 14, 1722


Item info

Date: May 14, 1722
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 242-243



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 242] Worthy Sr yours I Received Dated Jan: 24: And hope you Received Mine of the 31st of October by the Brown Capten Miers Commander It Would be to Tedious to give an Account of my Fatigues over Mountains & Crossing Rivers both North, & South; East, and West and in all these Journeys I Could not meet with any Vegetable (or at Least but very few) that Escaped your knowledg I Shall make What Collections I Can especially of Fossiles, and Minerals: I have not had the good Fortune yet to meet with any Oars that I Could Get any Silver from Altho I have met with great Variety, from all Parts of the Island, which Shows the Plenty of Mines Irons, and Copper, wee have in great Plenty, and are not without Lead, but the Difficulty I Meet with is; that Persons often brings me Oars taken out Gullies & Rivers, but Cannot or, Will not, Show where they come from: that wee might Set our People to Searching & Digging them Some […] them for fear of their Land be taken from them, Others Demands great Rewards for Discovery So that our People hath as yet Wrote but upon two mines: The first up Swift River in the Windward part of the Parish of St. Georges on the North side of the Island after some little Progress was made and the Oar Sent me wch was very Poor in Copper. I went Over to View there Work wch I found to be a Small String or Vein Running Parrellell with the Course of the River in a Strait Line like a Course of Mortar […] two Courses of Bricks in a Perpendicular Hard Rock of a bout 100 feet High the Vein having No Tendency to Dipp or Sloap Downwards I Expected no Good Would come off it wch Proved Soo. about this time I Let a Diligent man to Search the Springs and Heads of the Riverlets that make Rio Cobra and out of the Head of Golden River which Runs in to Rio Pedro (and not Rio de Ora of the Spaniards which is towards the Magotty Sevanna) He brought some Oars that yielded about a fourth Part in Copper which He Said was Thrown down there out of a Mountain that was Much Shatterd with the Earth Quake but was very steep & Difficult to goe up it Neither did He understand a Vein of Oar if He Saw it Upon wch I Sent a Capten of the Miners & 2 or 3 Good Miners to Search the Mountain; who gave me an Account that there were Serveal Veins, wch Promised very Well I orderd them to Work upon the Fairest of them & Send as they Dugg Some of the Oar for me to Assay wch I found to Contain Copper, some little time after the Captyn Desired I Would come up & View His Work wch Accordingly I Did when I came to the Place I found it a Steep mountain in the Shape of a Sugar Loaf and Difficult to Get up it, a little Riverlet Running almost Round it; only in one Place where a Smal Ridge Joined to it South Easterly, from whence came the Weeping Springs that made the River Called Golden River by the English because the Sand Shines and looks like Gold, Upon my Searching this mountain I found Many Veins Some bigger than Others & Some Higher Up the Mountain & not far Distant from each Other all Running end Way wch was Oblique and Sloaping Downwards & in wards towards the Center of the Mountain: where about half Way Up they began to Strike their Shaft as they Dugg they found the Veins to Wyden & Grow Broader With all the Symptoms of a lasting Mine, but the Capten; before He Dugg Deeper in the Shaft Would Strike a Level or A dit [fol. 243] at the bottom of the Hill and bring it Right under the Shaft by wch means He believed He Should Strike throug Some of these Veins before He came under the Shaft this Delayed the further knowledg at Present of the Goodness of the Oar the Copper is as fine as […] Gold the Oar if of a Blewish Colour with Miuch Verdigress Sticking about Some of it I have Sent Some Samples to Col Long which I Doubt not but He Will Let you See them and in Deed I Flatter my Self that Wee Shall find Something better the further we goe, for if we may give Credit to Albaro Alonso Barba wee Need not Doubt it who Layeth that Copper ingendered (take His own Words) in Book 1 Ch. 29 Mineral Stones of Divers Colours, Although ever the most Predominant Colour is Blew or Green (so is ours) it is engendered in the Same places with Gold & Silver, and often times is following A Vein of pure Copper they have not met with a Nest of the finist Gold, but its more Familiar to have its veins Change into Silver and those Veins of Copper that make a Show above ground, Commonly prove very Rich as they are Dugg Deeper the Mine of […] in the […] was at the Top in a Manner all Copper & as they dug Deeper downwards; it Grew Rich in Silver &c they Mention the Same of Several Other Mines So that wee Cannot Expect any great Alteration before we have got a Considerable Depth, which Requires time & Charge and as we Succeed Shall give you a further account I Long to See your 2 Volumes & every thing that comes from you Will be Always Admired & Esteemed as the greatest Favour you can doe to your most Faithfull friend and servant to Command Henry Barham May 14th 1722 I Heartily Thank you for Recommending me to the Duke or any that may be Serviceable to me & Shall endeavour to Acknowledge & Returne all Favours my Duty to ye president & all the Worthy Gentlemen of the Royall Society & I hope our Patents Will Weather all Difficulys

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 1837

Francis Hutchinson to Hans Sloane – April 3, 1712


Item info

Date: April 3, 1712
Author: Francis Hutchinson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4043
Folio: ff. 38-39



Original Page



Transcription

Frances Hutchinson, Sloane MS 4043, fo. 38r.

[fol. 38r] Sr   Two or three days ago I met with the Tryal of the suppos’d Witch at Harford. I know not what Judgment the Town makes of it but to me it appears, that as there are many of these Circumstances which some or other have noever been wanting to swear at all past Tryals of Witches, so there is a very great deal of the same Folly & imprudence in the manager which, of ^when^ suffer’d, have never fail’d to bring great trouble & dis turbances, not only to the poor old Creatures, but to all timerous Persons, & the whole Neighbourhoods where they are, & which if it once gets head, our learned Judges will find hard to suppress, till its own Mischief hath convinced the World of the Guilt & Folly.      You have sometimes since the trouble of perusing some historical collections & observations I had made upon this Subject, & as I have them by me with some little improvement since you saw them, If this printed Case be considerable enough to want an Answer, & my Papers be thought any ^answer to it, ^ I would not be unwilling to venture any such Answers as I should meet with from same.  The Judge who tried her & hath the Life of the poor Woman upon his case, tho & hath Heard most of ye Arguments about it, is the likewise Person to Know what is proper in this case, But as I am a perfect Stranger to him, it would be a piver of Prosumption for an Obscure Country Parson to trouble him with his Papers, But If your general Conversation hath given you an Acquaintance With him, & he will give himself the trouble of reading them & shall afterward approve of them so far as to give leave to Have them dedicated to him it will encourage the Reader to Venture more freely in making his judgment of the case, & to Be a security to me from such insulting Involvement as

Frances Hutchinson, Sloane MS 4043, f. 38v.

[fol. 38v] may chance otherwise to meet with. But I submit all to your prudence & judgment, & will either send my papers up or forbear according as you advise.   I am Sr With much respect Your obliged & very humble servt Fran Hutchinson   Bury St Edmunds Apr. 3d 1712

Hutchinson went to ‘the Tryal of the suppos’d Witch at Hartford’ Jane Wenham a few days before. He describes the process and writes of ‘some historical Collections and Observations I had made upon this subject’ in the past. He discussed the Jane Wenham trial in An Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft, which was published in 1718.

Francis Hutchinson was the Perpetual Curate of St James’s Church in Bury St Edmunds. In 1720 he became the Bishop of Down and Connor in Ireland. He was a historian and wrote Defence of the Antient Historians, published in 1734.

 

Reference

Toby Barnard, “Hutchinson, Francis (1660-1739):, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14282, accessed 13 June 2011].




Patient Details

Letter 1053

Patrick Blair to Hans Sloane – June 8, 1706


Item info

Date: June 8, 1706
Author: Patrick Blair
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4040
Folio: ff. 174-175



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 174] Dundee June 8th 1706 Sir The extraordinary kindness you’ve shown me, makes me neglect no opportunity of addressing my Self to you; wherefore I have desired Mr Constable who formerly conveyed my Papers to you to pay you my dutifull & heartie respects. I’m Sorry I can’t acquaint you with any new Improvment or Discovery, but I take the freedom to tell you that the Elephant mentioned in my Last, (& whereof I shall hereafter give an Account; being Strait’ned with time at present) her falling So happily in our way, has so animated, the Physitians & Surgeons here, ‘being twelve or thirteen in number, that they have erected an Hall & Garden, & design to do their utmost for improvment of Natural History in making a Collection of Curiosities; whereby, tho’ we dare not assume the name of Royal or Learned, yet hope to deserve the title of a curious Society. And as the beginning & entertaining of Correspondence, is a great Mean for obtaining of this, so there is none we are more earnest to do it with than your self whose admirable Knowledge in Natural History, honourable Status you’ve attain’d to, great Regard of the Lovers of Natural Improvements & exceeding Kindness to our Country-men has deservedly made you [?] mind & sought to by all the Lovers of Learning. May it therefore please you, to honour this Infant Fraternity with your Assistance & Encouragement, & to receive it amongst the Admirers of your honourable Society by advancing it so at present, as hereafter, it may be able to give you [?] due Returns of Gratitude which your Favour & Countenance will abundantly deserve. T’will be our greatest Ambition to acquaint you with what-ever we find fit for Natural Improvement, & our greatest Honour, to give or receive such things as the one may have abundance of & the other not furnish’d with, & in all this I shall reckon my Self infinitly bound to you, whose Surprising Kindess has for ever oblig’d me to be Sir Your most sincerely devoted servant Patrick Blair

Patrick Blair was a botanist and surgeon whose papers were published in the Transactions. In 1715 Blair joined the Jacobite rebellion as a battle surgeon but was captured and condemned to death. He was visited by Sloane in prison in the hopes the latter might secure a pardon. Sloane was successful and the pardon arrived shortly before Blair’s scheduled execution (Anita Guerrini, Blair, Patrick (c.16801728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2568, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Making Friends in Early Modern England: Sloane and the Willughbys

The narrative usually associated with Sloane’s early career is one of luck, key patrons, and opportunities. It goes something like this… In 1685, aged 25, Sloane finished his medical degree at the University of Orange and moved back to London. Robert Boyle, his friend, helped Sloane to obtain an apprenticeship with the famous Thomas Sydenham. Two years later, Sloane had another wonderful opportunity when he became personal physician to the Duke of Albemarle, the new Governor of Jamaica. He returned to London in 1689, after the Duke died, but had during his stay in Jamaica found a wealthy wife and started an extensive exotic botanical collection. From this point, his career was set.

But Sloane’s correspondence suggests that Sloane worked hard to build up his own social and patronage networks. What often gets left out of the grand narrative of immediate success is that Sloane remained a household physician for four years to the widowed Duchess of Albemarle (who remarried, becoming Duchess of Montagu). A comfortable position, perhaps, but one of dependence. It wasn’t until 1693 that Sloane became an independent man. He began his private medical practice and became second secretary for the Royal Society. He also started a friendship with the Willughby family. In early modern Europe, patronage and friendship were closely related—the word ‘friend’ could refer to either, or both. Sloane’s relationship with the Willughbys reveals his care in cultivating friendships.

The Willughbys were a gentry family known for their naturalist interests. Francis Willughby (d. 1672) had been an active Royal Society member and his children Thomas and Cassandra also took an interest in natural history. Miss Willughby oversaw her brother’s gardens and catalogued her father’s library. They also had a connection with a close friend of Sloane’s, John Ray. Francis Willughby was Ray’s patron, giving him employment as household chaplain and tutor to the children and leaving him a generous annuity to continue his scholarship full time. Making friends with such a family could only help Sloane’s career.

Cassandra Willughby married widower James Brydges, Duke of Chandos in 1713. Sloane advised the Duke, who was involved in the Royal African Company, on botanical matters and slave inoculation. (Chandos family portrait by Kneller, 1713. Source: National Gallery of Canada, Wikimedia Commons. )

Sloane wrote the first letter to Miss Willughby on behalf of the Duke of Montagu in November. Lord Montagu enquired after the family’s health, remembering their ‘greate favours to his sonne the last summer’ (BL Sl. MS 4066, f. 164). In a second letter, this time on his own behalf, Sloane presented two favours (BL Sl. MS 4068, ff. 13-14). He shared the news that he had successfully proposed Thomas Willughby for fellow of the Royal Society and enclosed a recipe for cashew sugar enjoyed by Miss Willughby at Montagu House.

These were offerings to potential friends, but also emphasised Sloane’s scientific connections and sociability. The Royal Society nomination was Sloane’s initiative, ‘Mr Thomas Willughby giving me leave to propose him’. Sloane promised that when Willughby came to London, ‘I will wait on him & carry him thither’, something that further marked Sloane out as a well-connected member of the Royal Society.  Introducing the new Fellow was not just a courtesy, but gave Sloane a chance to show his own extensive network.

The recipe for Miss Willughby was particularly meaningful, suggesting at its most basic that he had attentively noticed her food preferences. Recipe exchange was also a form of social currency. Bonds were strengthened through sharing secret knowledge and assuming future reciprocity. The recipe also featured cashews, an imported, high-status food that casually referenced Sloane’s and Miss Willughby’s shared interest in botany. Sloane would later provide the Willughbys with other favours; his early offer of service to the family established a long-lasting relationship.

Willughby’s family home, Wollaton Hall (Samuel Hieronymous Grimm, 1773). Source: British Library, Wikimedia Commons.

In return, the Willughbys often consulted Sloane on medical matters. The correspondence does not specify other ways in which the Willughbys reciprocated, but there are hints. When Willughby thanked Sloane for his help in finding a house to rent, Willughby complained that he had not been able to come to London and instead hoped that he ‘could tempt [Sloane]’ to visit him in Nottinghamshire soon BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 13). The invitation was a return of Sloane’s help and indicated a genuine interest in seeing a friend.

Sloane also used his position with the family to request favours on behalf of John Ray’s family.  At Ray’s death in 1705, for example, his widow Margaret told Sloane that the family had been left with £40 annually. She appealed to Sloane to ask Willughby for half a year’s salary that would cover the costs from Ray’s illness and funeral. Willughby was indeed ‘very sorry Mr Ray has left his family in so ill a condition’ and given Ray’s reputation and service, was ‘willing to doe what you ask of me if there is reasonable occasion in charity to the widow to doe it’ (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 24). Willughby provided other support to the family, sending £20 to Sloane for them and discussing a Ray monument (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 22).

Sloane’s assistance must have been effective. Margaret Ray thanked Sloane in 1706, sending her gratitude to Willughby. In this case, Sloane tapped into his other friendships to help the Rays.  The Willughbys were Ray’s patrons, with Thomas Willughby paying £12 more annually than his father’s will specified (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 24), but Mrs Ray did not feel able to approach them directly.  Sloane, however, was in a good position to help, being Willughby’s friend and social equal.

When Sloane met the Willughbys, he was at a transitional point in his career. He was starting to be able to use his newfound status to expand his circle of friends and potential sources of patronage. By the early eighteenth century, Sloane had developed extensive scientific, medical and collecting networks through which he could obtain, give and negotiate favours. Sloane’s success was not just a matter of luck and important patrons, but was closely tied to his efforts in building relationships and exchanging favours, just as he’d done with the Willughbys. The idea of winning friends and influencing people as a career strategy is not just a twentieth-century concept…

And Sloane was very, very good at it.

A longer version of this case is discussed in my soon-to-be-out chapter, “Friend and Physician to the Family” in From Books to Bezoars: Sir Hans Sloane and His Collections, eds. M. Hunter, A. Walker and A. MacDonald (University of Chicago Press, 2012).

 

 

Recording Dr. Sloane’s Medical Advice

Sir Hans Sloane might have collected recipe books in search of knowledge, but patients in turn might record his medical advice for later reference. The Arscott Family’s book of “Physical Receipts”, c. 1730-1776 (Wellcome Library, London, MS 981), for example, contains three recipes attributed to Sloane, which provides snippets of information about his medical practice.

Although Sloane was best known for his botanical expertise and promotion of treatments such as Peruvian Bark or chocolate, the Arscott family recipes show a mixture of chemical, animal and herbal remedies. The treatment for worms (f. 129), for example, combined a mixture of elixir proprietatis and spirit. salis dulcis in either white wine or tea. Together, these aimed to sweeten the blood, strengthen the nerves and fortify the stomach.

A woman is carrying a tray with a cup of chocolate [or maybe the pleurisy remedy?] and a glass on it. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A woman is carrying a tray with a cup of chocolate [or maybe the pleurisy remedy?] and a glass on it. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The pleurisy remedy (f. 156) included pennyroyal water, white wine and “2 small Balls of a sound stone horse”—or, dung from a horse that still had its testicles. This was to be steeped for an hour, then strained. (Apparently this weakened the taste of the dung.) This delicious liquor would keep for three days. Are you tempted? Because the dose was a “large Chocolate Dish fasting in the morning and at 4 in the Afternoon”. “If the Stomach will bear it” (and whose wouldn’t?), the patient was to take the remedy for four to six days in a row. In this remedy, the dung was the most powerful ingredient, as it was considered a sudorific (causing sweat) and resolvent (reducing inflammation) that would aid asthma, colic, inflamed lungs, and pleurisies.

Sloane, of course, was also famed for his eye remedy, which he made public knowledge in 1745 when he published An Account of a most efficacious medicine for soreness, weakness, and several other distempers of the eyes. But how close to the published remedy was the Arscott version?  Fortunately, the most detailed of the three recipes is “Sr Hans Sloane’s Direction for my Aunt Walroud in ye Year 1730–when she perceiv’d a Cataract growing in one of her Eyes” (ff.79-80).

Sloane's remedy would have been preferable to being couched for a cataract. Heister, Operation for cataract and eye instruments, 1757. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Sloane’s remedy would have been preferable to being couched for a cataract. Heister, Operation for cataract and eye instruments, 1757. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Although there are measurements and preparation details, just like a recipe, it was also a summary of Sloane’s successful medical advice to Mrs Walroud. Of course, what early modern patients deemed success in a treatment differs from our modern concept. For Mrs Walroud, it was enough that after she started the treatment at the age of 67, her eyes did not get any worse for ten years and “she could write & read tolerably well”. When she died at the age of 83, she still had some of her sight.

The Arscott instructions begin by recommending that the sufferer have nine ounces of blood taken from the arm and a blister applied behind the ears. Next, take a conserve of rosemary flowers, pulvis ad guttetam (ground human skull mixed with various herbs), eyebright, millipedes, fennel seed and peony syrup. Last, the patient was to drink a julap (medicine mixed with alcohol) of black cherry water, fennel water, compound peony water, compound spirit of lavender, sal volat oleos and sugar. Mrs Walroud took both twice daily and kept a “perpetual Blister between her shoulders”.

One crucial difference between Sloane’s published remedy and the Arscott one is that no mention is made in Mrs Walroud’s treatment of using an ointment made of tutty (oxide of zinc), lapis haematites, aloes, prepared pearl and viper’s grease. Three possibilities for the ointment’s absence occur to me.

  • The Arscott family may have simply assumed that the listed directions were intended to accompany the purchase of Sloane’s ointment and didn’t specify something so obvious.
  • The reference to using the ointment was lost when the instructions had been passed between family members.
  • Or, Sloane did not always prescribe the ointment.

The remaining directions, though, do have overlaps. In his Account, Sloane prescribed drinking a medicine that also contained rosemary flowers, pulvis ad guttetam and eyebright—though he included more ingredients: betony, sage, wild valerian root and castor. This was to be followed by a tea (rather than julap) with drops of compound spirit of lavender and sal volat oleos. In this case, it was the Arscott version that included extra ingredients.

The type of bleeding in the Account was also slightly different than Mrs Walroud’s, with the recommendation that six ounces of blood be taken either from the temples using leeches or by cupping at the shoulders. Sloane’s eye remedy was supposed to be useful for many types of problems, he did not prescribe it exactly the same each time. Variations were possible, according to the patient and the problem.

The Arscott recipes suggest not only what advice from Sloane the family had found most useful, but what sorts of remedies Sloane might prescribe to his patients. But whatever Mrs Walroud’s rave review, the next time I suffer from eye strain at the computer, I won’t be reaching for Sloane’s drink with pulvis ad guttetam and millipedes in a hurry.

Letter 4211

Thomas Dereham to Hans Sloane – The 9th October 1734


Item info

Date: The 9th October 1734
Author: Thomas Dereham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4053
Folio: f. 285



Original Page



Transcription

Dereham writes to Sloane that he waited to answer Sloane’s May letter in hopes that the latest Transactions would have come to him so he could send his thanks through Sloane to the Society. He mentions that Sloane should receive his 4th or 5th volume of his essay/translation of the transactions. This translation has had a great effect on the curious Virtuosi who have learned the language and one in particular who is informing these parts with “our” discoveries of the secrets of natural history. He has been reading Dr. Arbuthnot’s contributions of weights and measures. He asks Sloane to keep sending the new Transactions to satisfy his own curiosity and has sent via Mr. Brown to the Society a book that Sig. Michele Rhelli has printed relating to the origin of the Gout and has also sent his book by sea. Dereham writes that he has sent Sloane three printed papers in the common post entitled ” Questiones de recta Palchae Indictione” which he was asked to present to the Society, Oxford University, and Cambridge. He mentions that he wrote on the 17th of Feb. 1734 and would like to know how the matter (previously stated in the letter) stands, whether the patient has miscarried. He apologizes for troubling “Chronologicall Tables”, but hopes Sloane will be able to make it up and deliver the balance to Mr. Pucci. He congratulates Sloane on the curious discoveries he obtained from the west indies, on obtaining the “medalls of the Caliphs” & the “Amulets”. He talks of Egyptian Curiosities, War disparities, and a great Planet of this “Emisphere” “P.S. a learned friend of mine desires to know whether Dr. Gregory as he says in the Preface of his Astronomical Physica … has published the work, which would be very acceptable or the notice of what book of the kind are.” Sir Thomas Dereham (c. 1678-1739) was a British expatriate and Roman Catholic who lived in Italy. He had a close association with the Royal Society (https://collections.royalsociety.org/DServe.exe?dsqIni=Dserve.ini&dsqApp=Archive&dsqCmd=Show.tcl&dsqDb=Persons&dsqPos=0&dsqSearch=%28Surname%3D%27dereham%27%29).




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Letter 4540

Browne Langrish to Hans Sloane – September 12, 1732


Item info

Date: September 12, 1732
Author: Browne Langrish
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 180-181



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 181] Honoured Sir, Since I had ye Favour of your Letter I have thrice repeated the Experiment of tying up the Aorta descendens with all ye accuracy imaginable, & find that if ye Day be set down immediately after ye Aorta is tied up he can use his lower Parts & walk for a Minute or two, & then Palsy succeeds. This is what I have asserted in my Essay, & I Don’t in ye least dispute ye use fullness of ye Blood towards mucular motion, but I am of opinion its chief use is to distend & keep open the muscular Fibres, & to assist ye Motion of ye Animal Spirits thro’ ye nerves. Mr Cowper assures us that when ye Blood has been intercepted by a Ligature, & ye Muscles have lost their use, he has recovered their Motion again by injecting warm water into the Arteries. Now warm water cannot possibly have any other Effect on ye muscular Fibres than to distend, supple, & relax them, & by its warmth & progressive Motion through ye Arteries it may communicate some Motion to ye Animal Spirits; but it seems impossible for warm water or ye Blood to have any Share in contracting the Fibres. In short, I believe the Blood keeps ye Fibres moist, warm, supple, distended, & every way ready for muscular Motion, & that their Contraction depends upon ye Influx of some subtile Matter from ye nerves, which momentaneously increases ye Force of ye corpuscular Attraction in the Fibres, so as to make their component Particles run closer together. There are many Things which favour this Doctrine, & I hope I have deduced my Theory of muscular Motion from such Principles as will make it appear rational & consistent; though I am far from thinking it is without Faults, & therefore I am willing & ready to correct any of them which my Friends shall advertise me of. I intend to add a Page of two concerning the Laws of Attraction & Repulsion common to all Matter; whereby the Cause of the Elasticity & Contraction of a muscular Fibre may be more fully investigated; & I design to show why a Palsy arises when ye Aorta is tied up, whereby I hope to prove that ye use of ye Blood towards muscular Motion is as abovementioned. After this, Sir, I shall be ready to obey your Commands, & in the mean Time I beg Leave to subscribe myself Your most obedient and most humble servant Browne Langrish Petersfield Septr ye 12th 1732




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Letter 4559

to – Sept. 11, 1696.  
Manuscript: The Correspondence of John Ray: Consisting of Selections from the Philosophical Letters Published by Dr. Derham, and original letters of John Ray in the Collection of the British Museum (London: Printed for the Ray Society, 1848)
Folio: p. 306
Microfilm:
Date (standardised): 11/09/1696

Letter 4561

to – Nov. 25, 1699.  
Manuscript: The Correspondence of John Ray: Consisting of Selections from the Philosophical Letters Published by Dr. Derham, and original letters of John Ray in the Collection of the British Museum (London: Printed for the Ray Society, 1848)
Folio: p. 369
Microfilm:
Date (standardised): 25/11/1699

Letter 4560

to – March 9. 1698/9  
Manuscript: The Correspondence of John Ray: Consisting of Selections from the Philosophical Letters Published by Dr. Derham, and original letters of John Ray in the Collection of the British Museum (London: Printed for the Ray Society, 1848)
Folio:
Microfilm: p. 360
Date (standardised): 09/03/1699

Letter 4562

to – Jan. 14, 1702.  
Manuscript: The Correspondence of John Ray: Consisting of Selections from the Philosophical Letters Published by Dr. Derham, and original letters of John Ray in the Collection of the British Museum (London: Printed for the Ray Society, 1848)
Folio: p. 407
Microfilm:
Date (standardised): 14/01/1702

Letter 4548

to – June ye 12th 1692  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: ff. 9-10
Microfilm:
Date (standardised): 12/06/1692

Letter 4547

to – Apr. 17, 1688  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: ff. 7-8
Microfilm:
Date (standardised): 17/04/1688

Letter 4545

to – October 7, 1732  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 193-194
Microfilm: The History of Science and Technology Series One: The Papers of Sir Hans Sloane, 1660-1753 From the British Library, London Part 1: Science & Society, 1660-1773 Reel 9 Sloane Mss. 4052, 4053 98472
Date (standardised): 07/10/1732

Letter 4544

to – October 2, 1732  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: f. 192
Microfilm: The History of Science and Technology Series One: The Papers of Sir Hans Sloane, 1660-1753 From the British Library, London Part 1: Science & Society, 1660-1773 Reel 9 Sloane Mss. 4052, 4053 98472
Date (standardised): 02/10/1732

Letter 4543

to – September 28, 1732  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: f. 191
Microfilm: The History of Science and Technology Series One: The Papers of Sir Hans Sloane, 1660-1753 From the British Library, London Part 1: Science & Society, 1660-1773 Reel 9 Sloane Mss. 4052, 4053 98472
Date (standardised): 28/09/2017

Letter 4542

to – September 17, 1732  
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 184-185
Microfilm: The History of Science and Technology Series One: The Papers of Sir Hans Sloane, 1660-1753 From the British Library, London Part 1: Science & Society, 1660-1773 Reel 9 Sloane Mss. 4052, 4053 98472
Date (standardised): 17/09/1732
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