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Eighteenth-Century English Gardens and the Exchange with Europe

By Chelsea Clark

Statue of Sir Hans Sloane in the Society of Apothecaries Physic Garden in Chelsea. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Statue of Sir Hans Sloane in the Society of Apothecaries Physic Garden in Chelsea. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The Sloane Correspondence is a rich source of information about gardening in the eighteenth century. The science of gardening at this time was a shared experience between friends and colleagues who traded specimens and cultivated their collections with great curiosity. Although gardens could be either privately or publicly managed, the collaborative aspect of gardening served many different purposes depending on the individual collectors or institutions involved.

English gardens were built for multiple purposes, from personal and private pleasure gardens to university organized and maintained medical gardens. Both the Chelsea Garden and several private upper class estate gardens during the latter half of the eighteenth century in Britain were a combination of these purposes. They were both aesthetic and practical, housing rare exotic treasures to display the owner’s status as well as contained local and distant medical botanicals for practical medicinal uses.

Apothecaries and physicians relied on many botanical remedies and thus needed access to gardens. This resulted in many of them becoming expert gardeners. According to a Parisian physician at the time, Jean Fernel, a competition between apothecaries and physicians inspired an invigorating cultivation of gardens with both common and acclimatized plants in order to maintain “dignity and authority” over the other.[1]

The Physic Garden, Chelsea: a plan view. Engraving by John Haynes, 1751. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The Physic Garden, Chelsea: a plan view. Engraving by John Haynes, 1751. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The Chelsea physic garden was originally property of the apothecaries of London, though it fell on hard times in the early eighteenth century. Physician, Sir Hans Sloane, become benefactor to the garden because he saw the value in the botanicals it provided and its potential to provide benefical botanical knowledge for the public. Sloane saw the importance of the garden for all types of medicinal use as well as for the maintenance and growth of botanical trading within England, Europe, and the newly acquired Colonies.

In 1722, Sloane leased a parcel of his land in Chelsea to the Company of Apothecaries of London on the condition that they maintain the garden for “physick” and send the Royal Society fifty specimens per year until 2000 specimens had been given.[2] The reason given for requiring the annual gift of specimens was to encourage the constant growth of the garden and to ensue it continued to be used for its proper purpose.[3]

French gardens were similarly split between public and scholarly gardens, however French gardens were steeped in state involvement with the promotion and running of gardens. The Jardin du Roi, established in 1640, was in name and function the garden of the French King, Louis XIV.  It was also used by the Academie des Sciences for their exploration and acclimatization of botanicals and open to the public. The garden was maintained under state direction, as was the search and collecting of new specimens to fill the garden. It was managed as an economy that was “simultaneously social, financial and natural historical.”[4]

Jardin des Plantes, Perpignan. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Jardin des Plantes, Perpignan. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

French botanical collecting was tied to their colonial expansion and French collectors were most interested in botanicals with economic value.[5] As a result of higher state involvement, French motivations were focused on economic gain rather than scientific curiosity; collecting and cataloging the world’s botanicals was less of a priority, resulting in the cultivation of different types of plants than in England, which centered on medicinal rather than economical specimens.

The discussions about gardens between Sloane and many of his British correspondents did not mention any state support or involvement. Their collecting appeared to be motivated by a desire to discover all the local and exotic species and where they were naturally found. As was the case for France, English collecting in its colonies did have an economic component; however, the perceived economic value of plants was not mentioned as the primary motivator of botanical collectors.

Without immediate state direction both personal and professional English gardens became significant players in the European exchange of botanicals. English private collectors and gardeners were successful at expanding their knowledge of species and contributing to scientific knowledge, while the French were successful at extracting economic value from their exploration of plants. Even though the French gardens were open to the public, the English exchange relationship between the personal collectors and the professional gardens allowed for information about botanicals to spread freely and the development of gardens across England. English gardens had perhaps less economic value than their French counterparts, but provided an abundance of natural history knowledge and practical medicinal value for its public.

 

[1] Harold Cook, Matters of Exchange New Haven: Yale University Press, (2007): 31.

[2] Isaac Rand, “A Catalogue of Fifty Plants Lately Presented to the Royal Society, by the Company of apothecaries of London ; Pursuant to the Direction of Sir Hans Sloane, Bart. Bresident of the College of Physicians and Vice President of the Royal Society,” Philosophical Transactions, 32 (1722).

[3] Ruth Stungo, “The Royal specimens From the Chelsea Physic Garden, 1722-1799,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 47, no. 2 (July 1993): 213.

[4] E. C. Spary, Utopia’s Garden Chicago: Chicago University Press, (2000): 51.

[5] Spary, “ “Peaches which the Patriarchs Lacked”: Natural History, Natural Resources, and the Natural Economy in France,” History of the Political Economy 35, 2003: 14-41.

Letter 2540

David Wilkins to Hans Sloane – January 14, 1721/22


Item info

Date: January 14, 1721/22
Author: David Wilkins
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: f. 180



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Transcription

[fol. 180] Lambeth House Jan.ry 14th 1721/22 Honoured Sr My Proposals for printing Selden’s Works being gone to the Press & I disappointed in my Design of paying my Respects to You, yesterday morning at Man’s Coffee House, beg leave to renew my Respect to You for the Honour of Your Instructions in my Undertaking. The Variety of Your Affairs, Sir, & my Attendance on His Grace makes me Covetous of Time, & yet very desirous to have Your Commands, on what Day, Hour & Place after Munday) I can be so happy as to wait upon You for to lay my Design of Selden before You. Hoping for the Honour of a Line from you I am Honoured Sr Your most obedient and Humble Servant Dd Wilkins

Wilkins was a scholar, specializing in Coptic studies. His work on Seldon is characterized as “careless” while his other output mostly involved copying and compiling (Alastair Hamilton, Wilkins, David (16851745), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29417, accessed 31 Aug 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 4071

Nathanael Barwell to Hans Sloane – September 4, 1731


Item info

Date: September 4, 1731
Author: Nathanael Barwell
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 5-6



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Transcription

[fol. 6] Sir Heretofore to speake to Dr. Sloane on the part of the afflicted poor, was to my knowledge the same thing as addressing to what was Courteous Gentle, affable, mild, et. And as I can form no less Idea Sir Hans I crave leave without farther apology or preamble to say before him the case of a poor an afflicted with a Fistula suppos’d in Ano. And though my ignorance in Anatomie. and surgerie is such as not to comprehend the common Terms in the practice of either, which renders it impossible I should give a rationale of the matter, or of the process hitherto ineffectualy pursu’d; I shall yet hope to shew it in such a light, You may thence conclude whether a cure be practicable. The object or Patient is about 30 years old, married, has children, His Trade shoemaking, a busines which requires sitting. How long the infirmity hath attended I can’t tle; but about two years ago, on applying to a Physician, he after other previous means at length prescrib’d a salivation, which the Patient underwent, and as thought with succes, being easie for some months; but it return’d. Probably the method was right, and might have been effectual, had due care bin taken, which upon asking some Questions, I find was not (not indeed was it likely unles the Physician had order’d some intelligent person to attend the operation; for both the man and his wife are I think incapable of forming true notions of the consequents of oversights in such cases) by which means this which for aught I know might have cured him, may have done him hurt. All things consider’d tis next an impossibility it can ever be otherwise with this poor man in this place, and in his circumstances. The grievance as hinted is interiour, how far within, I can’t tell, likely not far; neither can I say whether its situation be on the more loose, (I presume there may be such kind of distinctions, though I know not how to expres ’em) or more fixt parts. But wherever situate, hence proceeds a kind of […], which shall run for a month or 6 weeks, and the discontinue for the same space of time or longer; more time being I suppose requir’d to saturate than for evacuating In the flux tis more and less painful, and is says he, sometimes accompany’d with so odious a smel as scarce tolerable. In the evacuation he can’t work, or ev’n sit with any comfort; yet is rarely sick, and as seldom wants a good stomach. Upon asking whether he could not sit easie supposing the seat he workt on were cut through in form of a common convenience answer’d, he had ty’d, and in that case the parts appear very odly, e.g. as though a large hole, big big [sic] as the bunghole of a […] perforated into his entrails, through which the […] with such force and chilnes, as blown with a Bellow. I wish I knew how to give a more dear and particular account. To cure this man is doubtles a good work; but as […] instances which I have partly describ’d it appears to me utterly impossible it can be effected here for these reasons reasons rec’d last, possibly in want of experienc’d, and thence sufficiently skillful anatomists and surgeons. Next in absence of good genuine and perfect Drugs or Medicines, in which I have good great reason to doubt these parts defective Lastly, in want of what seems equaly necessary, e.g. A regular and due attendance. All which in this place, tis likely he will ever find defective. Nor can these defects I conceive, be any where in England so compleatly supply’d as in the London Hospitals. Over all which, as I presume you have a general if not an immediat influence, so I pray, I may prevail with You to make us of it in some one of ’em, on the part of this poor creature, otherwise as far as I can see, destitute of all humane help or comfort. And in case of a favourable return, if tis not too much trouble, by next post, which I hint in respect to the poor Man, directed to me at Acworth near Pontfract Yorkshire, Fennybridge Bag. I shall furnish him with as much mony as sufficient to bring him on foot to London (for he walks pretty well) there to attend Your disposal of him by the name of Benjamin Clarke. And if need be, with a Certificate sign’d by the Minister as well as my self. I now crave leave to say, That though You have not for many years seen me, ’tis possible you may yet remember there was formerly, both at Sir Godfrey Copley’s and at the late Duke of Newcastle’s, one under the name of Your most obedient humble servant Nat Barwell Sept. 4th. [1]731. P.S. Some People have lately told me, that this Fellow’s mother was thought to have had the Pox I believe he never heard of it himself, and I care not mention it to him. Whether true, I can’t tell, tho’ it seems necessary I should hint it to You. It may be scandal; but if otherwise, possibly his blood and juices are thence affected. But his children, and I believe they are his own, (and one of them about two years old) appear very healthy, as doth his wife, and for himself, I believe him stricktly virtuous in that particular.

Nathanael Barwell, of Ackworth.




Patient Details

Letter 3865

Batty Langley to Hans Sloane – January 26, 1730/31


Item info

Date: January 26, 1730/31
Author: Batty Langley
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: f. 180



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Transcription

[fol. 180] Honed Sir Pardon me for the Presumption of this Trouble, In Presenting to you, the Busto of our Late most Learned and Incomparable Sr Isaac Newton made with my new composition; Which I am the More Embolden’d to do; since what I have done in this way for Dr. Mead and some other Learned Gentlemen Has been so Happy as to receive their approbation and very great Encouragement. I am now preparing for Molding, to cast from, a Curious Pedestal for to Place the Busto of Sr Isaac Newton upon, Which when finished, I do Intend to wait on your Honr with one of them. And at That time Sr. If you will please to Permitt one, I would gladly present the like Busto and Pedestal, unto the Royal Society House In Crane Court. Fleet Street I am yr most oblidged Humble sert. Batty Langley From My Stone Ware House near ye Faulon Foundrey on the Bank Side In Southwark 26 Jan: 130

Batty Langley (bap. 1696, d. 1751) wrote works on gardening, garden design, and ancient and modern architecture (Eileen Harris, Langley, Batty (bap. 1696, d. 1751), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16022, accessed 20 Aug 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 2598

James Mackenzie to Hans Sloane – July 30, 1720


Item info

Date: July 30, 1720
Author: James Mackenzie
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4076
Folio: ff. 93-94



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Transcription

(f. 93) Sir I’m desired by Sir Adolphus Oughton to let you know how ill he has been for this week past. The side of his face began to swell, and be very uneasie to him on Wednesday last which was a month from the day that he was taken ill in the same manner and the second time that he observd it to return precisely at the end of the month. On Thursday night the pain grew so violent that no torture could be more acute; it was mitigated a little with a fomentation, a pultice and an anodyne draught: but afterwards perceiving that the pain grew more intense every other night, shooting in to his ear with such violence that no patience could endure it, He took (in order to prevent it, or at least make it more tolerable) several doses of the bark in the same form that you was pleased to prescribe it: this tryal was so far successful that the pain in his ear has never been very troublesome to him since, but still the side of his face continues very hard, tense, red and full of pain. The days are somewhat tolerable, but the nights exceeding grievous to him, for as he has always more or less of a fever upon him at that time, the swelling and pain increase in proportion, so that he rests and sleeps but very (f. 93v) little. He sweats much which together with the pain and fever make him very weak and low spirited. One thing surprizes [torn] which in my humble opinion is easie to be accounted for; He [had] yesterday a chilness which lasted about six or seven minutes and dureing that time the swelling sunk somewhat, and the pain was abated all of a sudden, but as he grew hot immediately after, the swelling increased more, and the pain returnd as formerly. This morning also the swelling was less than in the night, and the pain ceas’d leaving no soreness to the touch; tho’ now at 12 o’clock after having taken a dose of the bark and a glass of wine and water, the pain begins to return; that is, I presume, whenever the motion of the blood becomes more languid, as in a cold fit, or after an access of the fever has spent it self, the blood dos not beat against the obstructed part with so much violence, whence the distension and pain must abate; the contrary to which happens in s hot fit where the blood moves with a greater rapidity; this I write to satisfy Sir Adolphus and not to inform you whom I acknowledge with pleasure to be vastly my superior. The part is now red, swelld and full of pain, and pits below the ear from the pressure of the finger, nor dos any pus yet come by the salival duct as it used to do at London, so that we hope it may break outwardly. This is the fourth return of the same illness, and every return (f. 94) [has] acquired more strength and violence than the preceding. [torn] the whole your advice is very much desired by Sir Adolphus Sir Your most obedient humble servant James Mackenzie Barwick July 30th 1728 Pray adress your answer to me at Sir Adolphus’s house at Tatchbrooke near Warwick Mr Amiand has been sent to by this Post

The letter is franked “Fre. A. Oughton” and postmarked 2 Au. Warwick.




Patient Details

Letter 3972

Denis Perronett to Thomas Robe – Monday February ye 22. 1731


Item info

Date: Monday February ye 22. 1731
Author: Denis Perronett
Recipient: Thomas Robe

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: MS 4066
Folio: 92-93



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Transcription

Sr. I dont presume to say, that the following account is a genuine translation of the chinese manuscript I had the honour to give you but this I can affirm; that I liv’d in asia a long time and was acquainted with a gracious Historian who gives an account of an Emperour in the East that was soe infatuated to the charms of his concubine; that Herod like He granted all she Requir’d soe that whomever this cruell beauty, had any private picque grudge or Resentment against any of her sex she took the opportunity to be Reveng’d on their father; brother; son or Husband such was the malice of this female parricide; that through her ambitious, and bloodthirsty Instigation they: at her cruell Request fell a victim, soe that the nation was almost depopulated of great personages till at last, an ancient Hermitt, willing to Invent some scheme, or other in order to Redress these greviances He approaches the [Emperor?] under the figure of the following dream Great Sir this dream would not bear Hearing was not the life of your Royall person concern’d: last night I thought, my Royall Prince was in a garden where the beautiful Collection of fine flowers allmost inumerable, were suddenly distroy’d, perish’d, and witherd away: at the Rise and progress oft one celebrated fine flower which indeed I observ’d to attract, ye Royall Eyes, but alass I was agreably surpris’d, when ye Royall person seem’d to be shockt with Horrour, and amaze, and ask’d me what Could be the reason of such a totall distruction of all those fine flowers I trembling told my Royall master, t’was plain; noe other Reason than the rise of that one fine flower, for the whole garden seem’d to be in a very flourishing condition before that flower came to that to much Exallted Height and in consequence, but cutting that off, I did Really and Humbly apprehend, the garden would come to its primitive beauty: I dream’t great Sir your Royall person gave me the seymeter, with strickl’y charge to lose noe time, but to cut it down which I noe sooner had Effected, but the garden began to Recover its Beauty and than ye Royall and Imperiall masjety was pleas’d to declare you much [.. th..] Rather those to have a garden with a beautiful Collection of time flowers, than to Enjoy but one notwithstanding that did Surpass in beauty and grandeur, but with all ye [..e.] majesty was pleas’d to apply that this dream could not be worthy ye Royall notice for twas all a mistery but alass Great sir, I dream’t that Imdiately Mahomett appear’d and desird ye attention; that He told my Royall master the garden was ye Kingdom the flowers ye subjects, and that one fine flower ye cruell Concubine; He cut her off he cry’d, and your nation flourish as the Historian says he did with his own Hand, and gave the Hermitt the same; this story if told in the beauty of the originall, would not appear soe troublesome as I have just Reason to beleive this may [soe?] for the which, as for all other [Repuated?] troubles I have presum’d, to give I humbly intreat for pardon and leave to be with the greatest Respect. Sr yr most most dutifull and most [che..i….] humble servant Denis Perronett Monday February ye 22. 1731 P.S. I hope when ye worst goes by the [faded text] The Countess of Harold House [illegible text] you’ll be pleas’d to place me in [faded text]

Perronett recounts a story told to him by a historian about “an Emperour in the East that was soe infatuated to the charms of his concubine; that Herod like He granted all she Requir’d soe that whomever this cruell beauty, had any private picque grudge or Resentment against any of her sex she took the opportunity to be Reveng’d on their father; brother; son or Husband[.]” Due to the concubine’s cruelty, the nation was almost depopulated. The only hope to end her reign of terror came in the form of a Hermitt who addressed the Emperor in a dream. In the dream, the Royall Prince was in a garden where a “beautiful Collection of fine flowers allmost inumerable, were suddenly distroy’d, perish’d, and witherd away[.]” The Prince noticed “one celebrated fine flower” but was “shockt with Horrour, and amaze” when the Hermitt “told [his] Royall master, t’was plain; noe other Reason than the rise of that one fine flower[.]” The Hermitt believed “the garden would come to its primitive beauty” if the flower was cut off. Mahomett appears in the dream and reveals to the “Royall master the garden was ye Kingdom the flowers ye subjects, and that one fine flower ye cruell Concubine[.]” According to the dream, the flower representing the Concubine was cut off.




Patient Details

Letter 1911

Antony Picenini to Hans Sloane – August 7, 1713


Item info

Date: August 7, 1713
Author: Antony Picenini
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4043
Folio: f. 173



Original Page



Transcription

Picenini informs Sloane that Vallisneri delivered a lecture on recent physical and natural discoveries. Captain Desie, a Venetian, carried the post on his ship. Picenini just received word that he is going to pass next winter in Montpellier. He asks Sloane to pass his compliments on to Mr Pitt. Antony Picenini was a physician.




Patient Details

Suffering Venereal Disease in the Early Eighteenth Century

Lindsey Fitzharris (@ChirurgeonsAppr) recently discussed deformities caused by syphilis and the problems of prevention using early condoms (“Syphilis: A Love Story”). She also regularly tweets horrifying pictures of syphilis sufferers in the past, or the raddled syphilitic bones that remain. Evocative stuff.

One of the less revolting images. Head illustrating syptoms of syphilis, 1632. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

But the day-to-day life of someone suffering from venereal disease wasn’t always so dramatic. Some Sloane letters hint at the physical and emotional experiences of those suffering from long-term venereal complaints.

In the early eighteenth century, many venereal symptoms were not immediately obvious to people. The skin rashes, pustules and chancres of late stage gonorrhoea might easily be confused with syphilis, which in turn could be mistaken for scurvy. Treatments for syphilis and scurvy might even be the same: the underlying problem seen as being hot and corrosive or a matter of poisoned blood. As William Salmon explained in a popular remedy book (1703), his family pills would cure, along with other diseases, “the Scurvy (the only reigning disease in this Kingdom) when it is grown so bad, as to become scandalous, so as many People think it to be the POX”.[1] To further confuse matters, any whitish discharge from the genitals—known as ‘whites’ in women, ‘gleets’ in men or ‘running of the reins’ in all— was potentially classed as a gonorrhoea. Gonorrhoea, they believed, might be caused by masturbation or accidents to the lower back, not just sexual intercourse.

The problem of diagnosis can be seen in the letters of Thomas Hewitt, Roger Cook and J. Hopson. In 1721, Hewitt treated an unnamed gentleman aged 60, described as being scorbutic (e.g. ulcerated skin, lethargy and pallor). The patient’s main troubles, though, were a continual need to defecate and rectal pain. He had several rectal growths, which were voiding a frothy substance. Hewitt was obviously of two minds about the cause of the ailments. Although he had administered mercurial purges (treatment for syphilis), he also insisted that the patient was “an honest trustworthy gentleman”. Sloane, incidentally, also prescribed a typical syphilis treatment: salivation. Cook, in his undated letter, reported suffering from weakness caused by a constant gleet and nocturnal pollutions. Although he didn’t specify gonorrhoea, this would have been a suspicion. Hopson, for example, immediately suspected gonorrhoea when he had “running of the reins” for a couple days.

The physical experience of venereal problems and their treatments was inevitably painful, though they varied widely. Henry Downing reported that he’d had a three-month salivation to treat venereal disease when he was in his twenties. By 1726, he was ricketty, frail, and sedentary. His physical symptoms included pain throughout his body; heart palpitations; heat and pain in his anus, scrotum and urethra; difficulty urinating; and scaly rough skin. A pretty miserable existence.

Hewitt’s patient took opiates to deal with his pain, or indeed perhaps some of his other treatments. In order to drain the pus, Hewitt had dilated his patient’s anal supporation with a sponge. Mercurial treatments also generally required extensive bed rest, owing the various leakages, skin eruptions, and tooth loosening. Not so different from the symptoms of syphilis it was meant to be treating!

The case of Mr Campbell, aged 63, also suggests the long-term health problems that people thought might occur. Thomas Molyneaux and other medical practitioners wrote to Sloane on Campbell’s behalf in 1724. While not obviously venereal symptoms, Molyneaux saw Campbell’s experience of clap in 1685 as significant. Campbell had trouble urinating afterwards. By 1724, Campbell had a blockage in the bladder, pain while sitting, and a hot and burning sensation in the urethra. He was also voiding slime instead of urine.

Worse yet, failure to disclose one’s venereal condition could be fatal. In August 1725, J. Hetherington wrote to Sloane about the death of a young man after being inoculated for smallpox. The underlying concern was that the inoculation, a novel treatment championed by Sloane, might have caused the death. Hethrington was adamant that the patient, who had not been in the “correct habit”, was the one to blame. The young man had failed to tell the inoculation surgeon about his venereal disease and recent treatment. (A physician applied a plaster to his swollen scrotum.) The treatment had successfully reduced the inflammation, but a fever started the next day. This, Hetherington was certain, caused the complications with the inoculation.

Given that these men were blamed for their poor bodily condition, stemming from lack of self-control, no wonder shame and fear were constant companions for the venereal sufferer. There are relatively few letters to Sloane discussing sexual problems of any kind, and some—such as that by E.W.—were anonymous.[2] Embarrassment might also suggest why Hetherington’s patient did not tell the surgeon. Once his problem was apparently gone, there was no need to tell anyone else, including the surgeon, about it. A sufferers’ physical condition also needs to be considered alongside his emotional one. Patients listed fear (Downing and Hopson), weariness (Downing), and melancholy (Hewitt’s patient) among their symptoms. Pain in early modern England was seen as simultaneously physical and emotional.

As their bodies leaked in unseemly ways and their skin turned ulcerated or rough, the sufferers who wrote to Sloane must have been terrified at what fate might yet await them: the fallen noses, blindness or ulcerated skin of syphilis or the swollen testicles and impotence of gonorrhoea.  And above all, they had only themselves to blame.



[1] William Salmon, Collectanea Medica, the Country Physician (London, 1703), p. 452.

[2] Women in particular are absent. This may partly be because of the many ways in which the ‘whites’ might be interepreted medically, if symptoms were present at all. Hopson had asked “the woman”, but she claimed to have no symptoms. As we know today, many women never have any symptoms. Women and their physicians might, deliberately or not, be able to avoid a more shameful venereal diagnosis that called the woman’s behaviour, or that of their husbands, into question.

On shame, see for example K. Siena, Venereal Disease, Hospitals and the Urban Poor: London’s Foul Wards, 1600-1800 (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2004).

On the moral implications of leaky bodies, see L.W. Smith, “The Body Embarrassed? Rethinking the Leaky Male Body in Eighteenth-Century England and France“, Gender and History 23, 1 (2011): 26-46.

Two great blog posts on v.d. (by Jennifer Evans) appeared just after I’d published this one!  One is on “The Secret Disease” and the other is on “Beauty and the Pox“.

Letter 3278

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – July 18, 1726


Item info

Date: July 18, 1726
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4048
Folio: ff. 180-181



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 180] July the 18 1726 North Beirly Honed Sr On wednesday last I sent you a pott of moresame which I desire the favoure of your acceptance of the season has been very coole since they were sent therefore hope they wil come to yu in good order, which I should be glad to hear of[.] I have nothing in nat: Hist: to put in the Box, a lingering fit of the gout which confined me nigh three months, has pretty much disabled me from taking much pains after those pleasant inquirys though I propose to take a journey to Oxford shortly, in order to setle my eldest son (for some time) in Breston nose College & if I find branling [?] agre:able to me. I thinke of visiting my friends in London once more & shall do my selfe the honoure of waiting upon yu in the first place The Box was sent by Tho: Heptonstall a Bradford who Inns at the white horse Cripplegate from your most obed: servat [sic] Ric: Richardson

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 3680

Rose Fuller to Hans Sloane – October 26, 1729


Item info

Date: October 26, 1729
Author: Rose Fuller
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: f. 220



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[fol. 220] I had the pleasure of receiving your kind Letter of ye 11th Sept: for which I am very much obliged to you & am glad that you approve the method I take for my studies. As to my going to Paris it is a thing for which I am much inclined, tho: I am not sure my Father will give his consent, nevertheless he will not be averse to any thing which he can be persuaded will turn to my advantage, especially if you’ll be so good as to propose it as coming from yourself and not from me. The Letter wherein you were pleased to recommend Mr Annesly and me, we carried to to Dr Boerhave, who received it wth great civility and promised to doe us any service that lay in his power. I thank you very heartily for your offer of recommending me to some of your acquaintance att Paris which wou’d be of great advantage to me, shou’d I be so happy as to goe there after I have left this place, which I design not to doe till after next year, by which time I shall have gone twice thorough wth ye Professors, besides my private studies for which there cannot be a more convenient place than Leyden. I beg you wou’d make my compliments to all the members of your thursday Assembly; and honnour me wth your commands if there is any thing in these parts that I can serve you in. I am Hon’red Sr your most dutiful Grandson and most obedient ser’tt Rose Fuller Leyden Octob: 26/15 1729

Rose Fuller (1708-1777) was a politician, gun-founder and landowner. He was Sir Hans Sloane’s grandson. Fuller studied medicine at Cambridge from 1725 to 1728 and Leiden from 1729 to 1732 and went to Jamaica in 1733 to supervise the family estates. He served in the Jamaican assembly for some time before returning to England in 1755. Fuller was elected MP for Rye in 1768 (J. S. Hodgkinson, ‘Fuller family (per. c.1650–1803)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2005 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/47494, accessed 14 Aug 2014]).




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