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Letter 4319

A. Anderson to Hans Sloane – August 21, 1731


Item info

Date: August 21, 1731
Author: A. Anderson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: ff. 310-314



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Transcription

[fol. 310] Red Lion Street Clerkenwell, 21. Augt. 1731. Hond Sir In Obedience to your Commands, I herewith send you ye Books & papers relating to ye Society of which you are a Member; I am endeavouring to obtain some Account of ye New-England Society, when I will do my self the Honour to wait on You, or else to send it You. All the World is acquainted with your vertuous & publick-spirited Deeds; the Fame of Which, first encouraged our hon.ble Society to enroll your illustrious name in their Books; and still encourages them to hope for the Continuance of your Favour & Good-Offices. I have the Honour to be with profound Respect Hon:d Sir Your most devoted & most humble servt. A: Anderson [fol. 311] Copy Of a Minute of the General-Meeting of ye Gentlemen associated for executing Mr. D’Allone’s Will; by Instructing ye Negroes of the British Plantations in the Christian Religion: And also for settling parochial Libraries in Great Britain & Ireland; and for establishing a Charitable Colony in America. on ye 12th of August 1731. “Mr Anderson acquainting this Meeting that Sr. Hans Sloane, Bart: was very desireous of any authentick Materials relating to the Attempts which from time to time have been made from hence for converting the heathen & Infidel Parts of the World. Order’d That Mr. Anderson, be desired to wait on Sr Hans Sloane Bart: in the Name of this General Meeting, to acquaint him that they will speedily prepare & present him with a Manuscript Copy of a Work, intended to be published, Giving an Account of the Life of ye late Dr. Thomas Bray, so far as it relates to the many successfull Endeavours of him and others join’d with him, for Propagating the Christian Religion in those Parts: Together with some Account of the Proceedings and Designs of the Gentlemen associated as abovenamed.[“] [fol. 312] For Sr Hans Sloan, Bart. a Minute of ye Associates for Mr D’allone’s Legacy, & for other good purposes; relating to Dr. Bray’s &c. Attempts for Converting the Heathen & Infidel Parts of ye World. [fol. 313] Religious Missions from Scotland. The remote situation of ye Highlands & of ye Northern & Western Islands of Scotland, the barrenness as well as Inaccessibleness of these Parts, and the Slavish Subjection of the Commonalty to the Chieftains of their Clans or Tribes, are the Reasons of the Ignorance & Barbarity of those Parts; For altho’ the Society in Scotland for propagating Christian Knowledge maintain & support above 100 schools among those People yet they have still need of a farther Reformation: That Society may very justly claim the Title of Noble being composed of a great Number of Peers, Gentlemen & Clergy of that Country, & also of several Persons of Distinction & Eminence at & near London: Hitherto they have been forced to bend all their Thoughts to a thorough Reformation of the abovenamed People: Nevertheless, seing their Charter (granted anno 1709.) extends expressly to the Converting of Heathen & Infidel Parts, as well as to their own less cultivated Provinces; They have frequently had it under their Consideration to make some Beginning that Wat: While they had these Thoughts, the Revd. Dr. Daniel Williams an eminent dissenting Clergyman at London, left by his Will, an Estate of about £70 Sterlg. pr. annum to the said Society in Scotland, on Condition that therewith they shall send & maintain three Missionaries to instruct instruct [sic] the Savage Indians of America in the Christian Religion: The Society were extremely glad of this opportunity put into their Hands of doing what they had so earnestly wish’d for: But when they came to compute the Expence, & had established a Correspondence with the Governor & other most Considerable Persons in New-England, it was found that it would require above double the clear Produce of the bequeathed Estate to commence this Mission: This however did not discourage them, for altho’ their annual Expence be every year Increasing by the Augmentation of their Schools, Yet the Society in a General Meeting resolved to go on with this Design: Accordingly having added £60 Sterling. to the Estate, & appointed the Governor, several Counselors & Clergy of New-England for their Correspondents & Commissioners, and it being agreed to send three Divines from the University of Cambridge in New-England, upon the said Mission, to preach the Gospel to the Indians on the Frontiers of that Province; the said Mission is now actually commenced, this year 1731; And as the Inhabitants of New-England are a thriving & sober People, there is Ground to believe that in Time they (as well as Others) will contribute to the Increase & Improvement of a Design already so well begun, & which promises success answerable thereunto. [fol. 314]For S:r Hans Sloan, Bart The Mission of Dr William’s & the Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge anno 1731.

A. Anderson was Secretary to the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge in Scotland.




Patient Details

Letter 4547

Hans Sloane to Edward Herbert – Apr. 17, 1688


Item info

Date: Apr. 17, 1688
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Edward Herbert

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: ff. 7-8



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Transcription

f. 7 Jamaica Apr 17 1688 My Lord, I am heartily glad to hear by severale of my friends in England of your Lops wellfare, I hope it will continue & that your Lop belives I wish it as much as any man either in the old or new world. For my self bating sea sicknesse wch continu’d with me for a whole moneth, & a little seasoning (as they call it) or a great feaver, I thank God I have enjoyd a perfect health & find these places to be quite different from the Reports are of them in England’ Evenings & mornings are indeed somewhat hott but att other times of the day it is pretty temperate * U’me sure I have felt greater heat in some parts of France then ever I did here yet. Ever since the beginning of Febry I dread Earthquakes more then heat for then wee had a very great one I finding the house to dance & cabbinetts to reel look’d out at window to see whither people remov’d the house or no & casting my eye towards ane aviary saw the birds in as great concern as my self & f. 7v then another terrible shake coming, I apprehended what it was & betook mee to my heels to gett clear of the house but before I gott down staires, it was over, if it had come the day after it had frighted us ten times more for the day it happen’d here arriv’d a Spanish sloop from Porto Belo giving ane account of the destruction of a great part of the Kingdom of Peru by the like accident which yor Lop I hope will not be weary in reading a brief account of; which I have from the Spanish Letters sent from Luna hiterh, & be persons come from thence this being their nearest way to stop their Galeons or for going on other measures about their West India trade which may be alterd by it, In short they say that on the 20th of October last at 4 of the clock in the morning there happened a most terrible earthquake which threw down many houses at Lima & therabout & kill’d a great many people of all sorts who flying were buryed under their houses, at 5 in the same morning came another shake wt the same consequences & at 6 when they thought themselves safe came the worse of all, it raz’d & laid even with the Ground Lima, Callao the port town to it Canette, Pisio & all the towns within about 300 leagues along that coast, the cattle in the fields ran together with strange astonishment, & the sea [deletion] overflowed itts bounds & carried shops 3 Leagues within what f. 8 befor was land, itt down’d all cattle & inhabitants soe that in one place they had found 5000 dead bodies which the sea had left drouned, by the answers of some Spaniards lately come from thence [deletion] Itts believed their losses may be much greater then they report, all the inhabitants remaining are doing nothing but pennance for their sinns & wearing sackcloath their fineries being all buried in the ruines of their townes. Our fruits here are not so good as ye European even our pineapple far inferious to a pippin Watermelons of these parts are very good, but water it selfe the best thing in the Island, it has preserv[torn] my Life I’me sure whereas people here on a false principle concerning the climate kill themselves by adding fewell to the fire & drinking strong intoxicat =ing Liquor. But I must not be too troublesome to yor Lop with idle tales but conclude wth assuring yor Lop that I never remember you but with a very great honour for you & to a wish that it may be in my power to show you either here or any where how much I am without complement My Lord Yor Lops most humble most obedt& most oblidged servt Hans Sloane I have wrote to Brother Sloane abt Mis Lynches affaires.

Has remains of a red stamp and a postal mark




Patient Details

Measles in History

The terror of smallpox lives on in popular memory, but measles are often dismissed by many as just a childhood disease: How much harm could it really cause? And aren’t childhood diseases useful for breaking in immune systems anyhow? We overlook measles at our peril, as recent outbreaks, such as the Disneyland one, have shown. It only takes one sick person for the disease to spread rapidly among those who can’t be vaccinated (such as babies), those whose vaccines are incomplete or unsuccessful, and those who opted out of vaccination.

But is measles really comparable to smallpox, or am I being a bit extreme? Well, in early modern Europe, measles—more specifically, its complications–was considered as deadly as smallpox.

Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

In 1730, physician Thomas Fuller published Exanthematologia: Or, An Attempt to Give a Rational Account of Eruptive Fevers, especially of the Measles and Small Pox. Fuller addressed it to Sir Hans Sloane and the Royal College of Physicians. In part, this was a strategy to situate the book as part of the reformed and rationale medicine that Sloane championed as the College’s President.

But it would have appealed to Sloane who had promoted smallpox inoculation and had a longstanding interest in fevers. Not only did he help to popularise the use of Peruvian bark for treating fevers, regularly using it in his own practice, but he took an interest in the publication of Edward Strother’s Criticon Febrium: or, a critical essay on fevers in 1716 (Preface). Strother, perhaps not coincidentally, was also a fan of Peruvian bark (48).

Fuller classified and described the various types of fevers with rashes or pustules, concluding that the most dangerous were smallpox and measles. Although the two diseases were very different, they had something crucial in common, being contagions that could be spread through one’s breath or skin pores (93). These “venemous fevers” were produced by a venom that was mild, unless over-heated—then the fevers became “more killing than even the Plague itself” (119).

Measles, even in its most benign state, is a miserable experience. The symptoms include: coldness and shivering; yawning; queasiness and vomiting; anguish; headache and backache; quick and weak pulse; great heat and thirst; short, painful breathing and oppession of the breast; hypochondriac tension and pale urine; watchfulness and drowsiness; convulsions; weakness and heaviness; redness, swelling, and pricking of eyes, lids and brows; involuntary tears and sneezing; sore throat, hoarseness, runny nose, and perpetual cough (142).

Fuller noted that not only did the cough always come before the measles, but that the pain in one’s chest and shortness of breath were much worse in measles than smallpox (147-8). Measles could also become malignant, or as we’d call it today, develop complications. The fever would last longer than four days and the spots would erupt much more slowly. Worse yet, diarrhea and peripneumonia occurring afterwards could prove fatal (149-150). At this point, Fuller included excerpts from Thomas Sydenham’s observations of measles outbreaks during the 1670s (151-7).

Death carries off a child on his back. Etching by Stefano De Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Death carries off a child on his back. Etching by Stefano Della Bella, Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

It is Sydenham’s references to the personal devastation from the illness that caught my attention. In 1670, measles “seiz’d chiefly on Children; but spar’d none in any House they enter’d into” (151). By day 8, the spots cleared up, as was typical, but that is when the cough set in: “we are to observe, that at this Time the Fever, and Difficulty of Breathing are increased; and the Cough grown so cruelly troublesome, as to hinder Sleep Day and Night”. The cause of the children’s terrible coughs, Sydenham suggested, was poor management of the disease; they had “been kept too hot, and have taken hot Medicines, to drive, or keep out the Measles” (153). As we know now, complications are more likely to happen in people who have chronic conditions, the very young or elderly, and the malnourished.

So, how did Sydenham and Fuller treat measles? With “much the same Method of Cure with the Small-pox”. Not surprising, given that they were both classed as venomous diseases. Above all, “hot medicines and regimen are extreamly pernicious”. The patient should “eat no flesh”, only water-gruel, barley-broth and roasted apples (sometimes). To drink, the patient was allowed small beer or watered down milk. The patient was to remain in bed for two to three days during the eruption, so the morbose particles would leave through the skin (155-6).

The cough should be treated with a pectoral decoction, linctus and diacodium (poppy syrup): “Very rarely, if ever, will any one that useth this Method die”. If the cough continued, it could “bring great Danger”. Bleeding was the clear choice in that case. “I have (with great Success)”, Sydenham promised, “order’d even the youngest Infants to be let Blood in the Arm; and where the Case requir’d it, I have not fear’d to repeat the same.” This rescued “truly many Children that have been at Death’s Door”. As a bonus, bleeding treated the diarrhea by ridding the body of sharp humours (156-7).

No wonder measles was so feared, with Sydenham declaring that the pneumonia “is so fatal commonly after the Measles, that it may well be reckon’d the chief Minister of Death, destroying more than even the Small-Pox itself” (157). They didn’t know yet about the potential for brain damage or deafness! In the West, we’ve forgotten the real horror of epidemic diseases that killed children.

For some other historical discussions of measles, see The Wellcome Trust Blog on the development of vaccination programmes and Historiann on the early eighteenth-century treatments proposed by Cotton Mather.

Letter 3488

Hans Sloane to Louis Marie Celeste d'Aumont – May. 22. 1713


Item info

Date: May. 22. 1713
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Louis Marie Celeste d'Aumont

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: f. 74-76



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Transcription

Monsr. May 22. 1713. A Monsr. Le Secretaire de Duc D’Aumont. Vous m’avez fait la grace de me demander ce qui se passa a l’Assemblee de la Societe Royale lors que Monseigr le Duc D’aumont y fut. On luy fit voir le museum ou cabinet de Raretes de la Societé, ou outre autres choses Monsr. le Duc remarqua la peau du Zebra qui est une especes d’Asne Sauvage d’Ethiopie raye tout le long de rayes brunes & blanches. Un fauteuil que l’on fait de la racine de l’Arbrisseau Thea[?] en plians les fibres toutes entre qu’elles estaient encore jeunes. il a este envoyé par la Gouverneur de Chusan Isle Chinoise a la Compagnée des Indes orientales. Le Squelette du raindeer en rangier ou l’on vois dans une de les cornes une branch plate comme une péle pour oser le neige des pays Septentrionaux pour trouver de quoy manger. Des peaux des Armadilla’s. Desmonstres des esquifs des Gronlandois avec leurs habits lignes de poche, floches etc. Des squelettes des arteres veines & nerfs d’un corps humaines des coraux insects coquilles poissons [?] aux serpens momies, un pierre d’ayman rende en torella par la chance[?] on voyait des experiences sur L’aymant, la teste d’un Hippopotamus, un miroir ardent concave d’une force extraordinaire fait par 6 ou 7 miroirs concaves placés de sorte qu’ils ne font qu’une enorme foyre[?]. & on fis aussi vous a Mr. Le Duc un jet d’eau a fer aus par la compression de l’air d’un nouvelle inovation[?] Apres cela on fit voir a Monsr. Le Duc, des experiences du son pour casez un verre & remplir une aussis fletrie[?]. Dans le vuide[?] fait par le moyen d’une machine penumatique d’une invention nouvelles—des deux parils ou on fait les experiences plus sans remont[?] dans la moitie moins de temps que dans les autres. fis aussi des experiences sur une nouvelle maniere de produire de la lumiere en tournant une dehos[?] de verre vuides d’air en touchant la Surface de la main. On voit de la lumiere. Sortir des bouts des doits & de la main d’une couleur blue. Si on la tourne a demi remplie d’air, on voit sortir comme des eclairs des bouts des doits. On mit dans la Sphere des fils la Soye attacher a un axis Sur un peu de Ciege[?] apres les avoir tourner ils furent attirees par la sphere come autant de rayons droits de centre a la circumferences es qui le mouvaiens en appliquant les dois a la Sphere. Si l’on tourne cette sphere quelque temps & qu’on applique un houpe[?] on il y aider files de soys attaches ils feront attires a la Sphere & la regarderont comme leur centre. On echauffa en flottant un luyau[?] de verre opaq[?] & on l’appliquer[?] pres de l’or en feuilles & cela l’attirait meme au travers d’un verre qu’on avait applique d’essay[?] et ce qui est surprenant quelque fois cela fait fuir l’or dans l’air & le chauffe au four de la chamber. On fit voir aussi une jet d’eau ou [?] par la compression polair sur la surface. La Societe ayant retenu la peu mission[?] de pouvoir a lire MonSr. le Duc MonSr le Le Presidt. le proposa a la Assemblee & la Societe la choisit inombre ou Associè par ballot apres quoy Monsr. Le Duc ont la bonte de Sougerire[?] son nom aus saluts & fuit admis en forme & entrer dans ce corps des philosophes de la meilleure grace du monde. On fit voir a MonSr. Le Duc deux especes des pierres precieu appelers oculus mundi. Elles etaient opaques mais dans demi heures apres quon eus mises dans l’eau, Elles devinnent une transparents & drapliance[?]. Voila a peu pres a ca dons je puis me souvenir de qui passa a nostre hier assemblee. Je serai ravi si MonSr. Le Duc y a trouvé quelque chose qui lui ais donné du plaisir avec beaucoup de respecte Vostre

This document is particularly difficult to read in certain sections.




Patient Details

Letter 1294

William Byrd to Hans Sloane – September 10, 1708


Item info

Date: September 10, 1708
Author: William Byrd
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4041
Folio: ff. 202-203



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Transcription

[f. 202] Virginia the 10th Sept. 1708 Sr, About two years since I saluted you and gave you the trouble of a few of our natural productions. I have had the pleasure of one letter from you on the subject, which gave me hopes of a full answer by the next opportunity. But I have heard no more of it since, and therefore I am affraid that letter miscarry’d with our Governor Col Hunter who had the misfortune to be taken into France in October last. However, it was the haveing been without that Favour has very much discouraged my inquirys. You were mistaken in your conjecture that I sent you two sorts of Hippocoacanna for the same of it seemd curld and the other smooth, yet both came off the same root, so that tho the Curld may be best, it is not different in kind from the smooth. If it shoud be never so dear in Europe, I’m confident the quantity that can be sent from hence will hardly make it cheaper, for it grows in very few places, and there so thin, that it can be worth nobodys while to get it for sale. It delights most in very rocky ground on the sides of Precipices and always on a declining. I planted some in my garden but it dos not thrive. I shoud be glad to hear how much it will sell for a pound however, that I may judge whither it be encouragement sufficient to employ any body about it. By this fleet I send you a box with some more roots and seeds, that the Society may try it there be any virtue in them. Amongst the rest, there is a Paper of a Root which I think very like Jalap, we call ye plant here Poke, it bears a purple berry which woud dye an admirable coulour if we understood the right way of fixing it. For the good of my country therefore I begg of you to send me the best ways to fix dyes, of which we are very ignorant. There is a Paper of a dangerous seed of a Plant which we call here Jamestown Weed, both the seed and the root are rank poison and so are the leaves when they are grown to their full bigness, but these are only poison if taken inwardly, for both ye root and the leaves make a Poultis that cures a burn immediately. In another paper is a seed of the Jerusalem oak as we call it, which kills worms better than any wormseed I ever heard heard of. The way of takeing it is to mix a spoonfull of the seed with honey which must be eat 3 mornings together, and if ye patient have worms in his stomack or guts it will infallibly kill them. You will find a Paper of Stickweed root (very common here) f. 202v the green leaves of which never fail to stop bleeding either at the nose or else where provided they be frequently apply’d fresh to the part affected. There is likewise a root for which I have no name, but by the tast I judge it to have a great deal of virtue. I wish I were acquainted with the ways of trying the virtues of Plants, of which we have here a surprizing variety, but our ignorance makes ’em of no use to us. Our common snake root with which you are so well acquainted in Engd is a noble plant, and if the powder of it be put into canary it restores the vigour of the stomach effectually, if a man take 2 or 3 swallows of it sometimes. At my first arrival here I was troubled with a violent diarroea, which no medicine woud cure til I took this, and then I was cur’d presently, & have continu’d with ever since. I impute my Distemper wholly to the frequent use of the cold bath, wch upon that beliefe I have left off. We have several mines and minerals in this country, which for want of men of skil rest quietly in their beds. You woud do me a particular kindness if you woud please to send me the samples of several ores, that I might by compareing them with those which I find be able to make some judgment of them. I have strong inclinations to promote naturall history, and to do service to the Society: I wish I were qualifyd to do it with effect, but my best endeavours you may always depend upon. Pray let me have the joy of hearing from you often, and if I can be of any use to you here, you have a right to command him who is with much truth Sir Your most faithfull humble serv’t WByrd Whenever you have the goodness to send your commands to me be pleas’d to direct them to Mr Perry in Leadenhall Street who will by the first occasion give them a safe conveyance.

William Byrd was a landowner, diarist, and agent of the colony of Virginia in London from 1697 to 1704. He returned to Virginia on the death of his father and served the colony in several capacities (Paul David Nelson, Byrd, William (16741744), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/68334, accessed 2 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 2179

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – October 21, 1717


Item info

Date: October 21, 1717
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4045
Folio: f. 55



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 55] Worthy Sr if there be any thing in the Catalogue Worth your Acceptance Pray make your Choice I Wish I had any thing of more Value. to present you with all: for I think No Curiosity [word erased] ought to be hid or withheld from one that is so Curious and Exqu=isite after the Search of Natural things, Especially by me who hath Received so many Signal Favours and now give me leave to take a little Fredom in Acquai=nting you with a little of my Juvinal Transactions for to make my self to you, better than I was or am Now; would be a Just Reason to have but an Indifferent Opinion of me Hereafter: I think I once told you that my Father Was a Physician: and it Pleased Go to take Him away (who was always designed to give me Univers=ity Education) before I was fiveteen years of age my mother unfortunately Married in a short time after, who was soon Renderd by it, incapable to Perform that wch shee well knew was my Fathers earnest desire: This misfortune Obliged me to goe under the Care of A Surgeon and after sometime spent in the Practice and Experience in that I was sent as A mate to a Surgeon in the Vangard a 2d Rate man of Warr: I was not Long there: before I was made a master Surgeon (after many strickt Examinations) of one of His Majestys Shipps of Warr: it was not long before I quitted that Post and Went into Spain: from thence to Madras and from thence to Jamaica: where I Red many Books especially Physicall my bones being always inclined that Way: and had my share in Practice many years with Good Success: and after Some years the Goverment [sic] thought fitt to make me Surgeon Major over all the Regiments of Horse and foot threwout ye Island Giveing me A Commission and Power to Putt in what Surgeons I thought fitt and Qualifyed to Serve in any of the Regiments and to give them Warrents for the Same: and now Since I am come to England The Company of Surgeons have made me First of their Company and Obliged me to take a Govend [?]: wch I hope Will not Impede or Obstruct my admittance of a Lycence for I should be Proud to be one of the meanest of that Honourable and Learned Society of Physicians: This is a Short Narative of my Curcumstances wch I freely Impart to you as not only as a friend but as a Father to advise me: (because you mentioned something of Oxford as if you understood I was Educated there) I hope you Pardon the Fredom I have made up of wch you Lay A Perpetual Injunction and Obligation Upon mee to serve you to the utmost of my mean Capacity being always your Humble Servant to Command Henry Barham October 21: 1717 Great Carter Lane if you Please to Lett me know when I shall Wait on you I will give my Attendance

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Sloane Family Recipes

In his Recipes Project post, Arnold Hunt focused on the recipe books owned by Sir Hans Sloane. The Sloane family may have had an illustrious physician and collector in their midst, but they, too, collected medical recipes like many other eighteenth-century families. As Alun Withey points out, medical knowledge was of part of social currency. Three Sloane-related recipe books that I’ve located so far provide insight into some of the family’s domestic medical practices and interests.

Elizabeth Fuller: Collection of cookery and medical receipts
Credit: Wellcome Collection, London.

Two books are held at the British Library, donated in 1875 by the Earl of Cadogan. A book of household recipes, primarily for cookery, was owned by Elizabeth Sloane—Sloane’s daughter who married into the Cadogan family in 1717 (BL Add. MS 29739). The second book, c. 1750, contained medical, household and veterinary recipes (BL Add. MS 29740), including several attributed to Sir Hans Sloane. A third book, which belonged to Elizabeth Fuller, is held at the Wellcome Library (MS 2450) and is dated 1712 and 1820. Given the initial date and name, it is likely that the book’s first owner was Sloane’s step-daughter from Jamaica, Elizabeth Rose, who married John Fuller in 1703. Sloane’s nephew, William, married into the Fuller family as well in 1733.

Elizabeth Sloane, of course, compiled her collection long before her marriage; born in 1695, she was sixteen when she signed and dated the book on October 15, 1711. This was a common practice for young women who were learning useful housewifery skills. The handwriting in the book is particularly good, with lots of blank space left for new recipes, suggesting that this was a good copy book rather than one for testing recipes. There are, even so, some indications of use: a black ‘x’ beside recipes such as “to candy cowslips or flowers or greens” (f. 59), “for burnt almonds” (f. 57v) or “ice cream” (f. 56). The ‘x’ was a positive sign, as compilers tended to cross out recipes deemed useless.

The Cadogan family’s book of medicinal remedies appears to have been intended as a good copy, but became a working copy. In particular, the recipes to Sloane are written in the clearest hand in the text and appear to have been written first. Although there are several blank folios, there are also multiple hands, suggesting long term use. There are no textual indications of use, but several recipes on paper have been inserted into the text: useful enough to try, but not proven sufficiently to write in the book. As Elaine Leong argues, recipes were often circulated on bits of paper and stuck into recipe books for later, but entering a recipe into the family book solidified its importance—and that of the recipe donor—to the family.

Sloane’s recipes are the focal point of the Cadogan medical collection. Many of his remedies are homely, intended for a family’s everyday problems: shortness of breath, itch, jaundice, chin-cough, loose bowels, measles and worms. There are, however, two that spoke to his well-known expertise: a decoction of the [peruvian] bark (f. 8v)—something he often prescribed–and “directions for ye management of patients in the small-pox” (f. 10v).

Elizabeth Fuller compiled her book of medicinal and cookery recipes several years after her marriage and the book continued to be used by the family well into the nineteenth century. The book is written mostly in one hand, but there are several later additions, comments and changes in other hands. The recipes are  idiosyncractic and reflect the family’s particular interests: occasionally surprising ailments (such as leprosy) and a disproportionate number of remedies for stomach problems (flux, biliousness, and bowels). The family’s Jamaican connections also emerge with, for example, a West Indies remedy for gripes in horses (f. 23). There are no remedies included from Sloane, but several from other physicians.

This group of recipe books connected to the Sloane Family all show indications of use and, in particular, the Cadogan medical recipe collection and the Fuller book suggest that they were used by the family over a long period of time. Not surprisingly, the Fuller family drew some of their knowledge from their social and intellectual networks abroad.

But it is the presence or absence of Sloane’s remedies in the books that is most intriguing. Did this reflect a distant relationship between Sloane and his step-daughter? Hard to say, but it’s worth noting that his other step-daughter, Anne Isted, consulted him for medical problems and the Fuller family wrote to him about curiosities.

Or, perhaps, it highlights the emotional significance of collecting recipes discussed by Montserrat Cabré. Sloane was ninety-years old when the Cadogan family compiled their medical collection.

Hans Sloane Memorial Inscription, Chelsea, London. Credit: Alethe, Wikimedia Commons, 2009.

It must have been a bittersweet moment as Elizabeth Cadogan (presumably) selected what recipes would help her family to remember her father after he died: not just his most treasured and useful remedies, but ones that evoked memories of family illnesses and recoveries.

Letter 1323

John Evelyn to Hans Sloane – July 28, 1703


Item info

Date: July 28, 1703
Author: John Evelyn
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4075
Folio: f. 94



Original Page



Transcription

Discussed home that his son-in-law and daughter were having built near Croydon. The trip there was rather difficult, but did not hurt his piles. Also discussed how specifically letters needed to be addressed to him, as they often miscarried. John Evelyn was a diarist and writer who demonstrated a remarkable knowledge of horticulture. He was one of the founding members of the Royal Society (Douglas D. C. Chambers, Evelyn, John (16201706), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8996, accessed 9 July 2013]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A John Evelyn
    Gender:
    Age:Described himself as a 'weary Octogenarius'. He was 83 at the time (b. 1620, d. 1706. [Douglas D.C. Chambers, "Evelyn, John (16201706)", DNB Online.]
  • Description

    Defluxion had fallen upon his a leg injury, drawn by a surgeon's plaster. Once it healed, he became 'miserably afflicted by the piles', which were extremely large and irritated by 'fretting against my linnen', when standing or walking. He was hardly able to walk in the garden. Noted that he tended to be costive, but has a good appetite and urine looks 'laudable' (and he has no nephritic pain). In last three weeks, he had also had a shivering fit and was unable to hold his pen. He ended up taking to the bed, being very weak and fearing another fit would have 'carried me off'. Had various other issues, as well, including skin problems.

  • Diagnosis
  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:

    His visiting neighbours had given him extensive advice, ranging from ointments to lozenges. Also used lenitive electuary for his costiveness and followed a regimen, which he detailed.


    Response:

    None of the remedies stay the periodic descent of the piles upon any motion. Asks if Sloane has anything to keep them from falling out and provide 'soulagement'. Lenitive electuary helps.

  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Haemorrhoids, Skin ailments, Eyes, Colds, Age

Letter 3015

William Reading to Hans Sloane – March 12, 1723/24


Item info

Date: March 12, 1723/24
Author: William Reading
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: f. 148



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 148] Sion College London March 12 1723/4 Honoured Sir, A Specimen of the Catalogue of Sion Library has, I hope, been communicated to you by Mr Becket Surgeon. The Book is now printed, and I am drawing up a List of Subscribers, wch I intend to put into the Printers hands next Week. I presume to consult you Sir, if you have room at the College of Physicians, or Royal Society to take a Copy. Last time I called, Sir, at your House, you were sick in Bed. I hope you have now better health. I am Sir y’r most humble serv’t Wm Reading Library Keeper

William Reading was appointed librarian of Sion College, London, in 1708 with the support of Bishop Compton and oversaw the expansion of its collection. He held lectureships at various London churches. Reading reorganized the collection, wrote a celebrated catalogue of its holdings (1724), and published works of ecclesiastical history as well as his own sermons (R. Julian Roberts, Reading, William (16741744), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23237, accessed 29 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 3023

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – April 8, 1724


Item info

Date: April 8, 1724
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: ff. 157-158



Original Page



Transcription

Sherard thanks Sloane for letting him use the volumes of ‘Plucknet’ and requests the others. He ‘added ye Table or page to most of ye plants yt are any ways difficult, once at least, for there are many duplicates’. He adds that ‘Mr Dubois threatens to come & dine wth you, some day next week’. Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




Patient Details