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Letter 0662

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – January 6, 1701


Item info

Date: January 6, 1701
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 119-120



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Transcription

Sherard discusses botany, exchanging books, and tree branch specimens. He wants Mr Wasp to do some collating for him. Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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Letter 3894

Hans Sloane to Brassan – Dec. 6. 1713. S.V.


Item info

Date: Dec. 6. 1713. S.V.
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Brassan

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: f. 83



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Transcription

MonSr. Dec. 6. 1713. S. V. Je vous suis infiniment oblige de toutes vos bontes et pendant vostre sejour icy et apres vostre retour a Paris, ou je vois par des lettres qu j’ay eu l’honneur de receuon de MonSr. L’Abbe de Bignon que vous n’estiez pas fasche de mon comportement a vostre egard. Mes occupations continuelles m’empechent de vous traiter comme vous meritiez vous meme & comme l’ami d’une personne a qui j’ai toutes les obligations possibles je seray ravi de trouver des occasions à vous les temoigner. Je vous aurais plustot ecrit mais je n’avais pas occasion de vous envoyer ma lettre j’en ai d’autres pretes es cachetées depuis longtemps aucune que je suis obligé de garder faute d’occasion. May jespere que les portes sera bientot establie & je serai extremement aise que vous vouliez me procurer le moyen de vous rendre Service. Il y a une chose dans l’appelle[?] vous mobligerez beaucoup c’est de presenter mes tres humbles respects & services a MonSr. Le Duc D’Aumont & de luy marquer la joye que je viens[?] d’apprendre qu’il estait arrivé a Paris en bonne santé apres son voyage d’Angleterre & avoir passe

**Note: Microfilm does not contain the end of this letter




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Letter 0577

Étienne François Geoffroy to Hans Sloane – April 25, 1699


Item info

Date: April 25, 1699
Author: Étienne François Geoffroy
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Libary, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4037
Folio: ff. 258-259



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Transcription

[fol. 258] Paris this 25 april 1699. n.st. Sir The Royal Academy (to whom the King has just now given a new form, and put it in a greater splendour than it was before) desiring to answer to the heroickal intentions that his Majesty has conceived to make flourishing in his Kingdom, with the Peace, the natural and mechanical knowledges: amongst all things that the Academy has intended for that purpose, it has thought one of the more necessary, to raise many correspondences not only in his Kingdom, but in many parts of the World. for that end it has desired every one of its members would give notice of the Learned men in other countries with which it could have some relations by theirs means. and for shewing the particular esteeme that it has of its correspondences, the Academy has ordered hi secretary would give to every one of them some notice of the pleasure that it receives from theirs correspondences, and of his obligation to them, if they are willing to perform the intertaining of this commerce with it. The Academy do reciprocally ingage us to impart these correspondents with all things done in his meetings worthy of being communicated. Mons’r Cassini and I understanding how great advantage should be to the Royal Academy the mutual commerce of Letters with you, we have proposed it to the Academy and promised to intertain it for our part, imparting you with all things worthy of notice in our meetings, viz. Mr Cassini concerning the mathematical & the Physical knowledges. We hope you will do the favour of requiting us, as we have bond it to the Academy. T’is for shewing to you the joy that has the Royal Academy of this relation with you, and for ingaging you in the continuation of it, that it has given us these Patentes subscribed by his secretary, and under his seal as an undoubted testimony of it. I am very glad to have that occasion to shew the gratitude that I conserve for your civilities to me. T’is yet but a very small proof of it considering my acknowledgement & your Kindnesses, but I hope the time will give me many other occasions to make appear more and more the zeal and the sincere affection with which I remain for ever Sir your most humble and most obedient servant Geoffroy [fol. 259] I have already made sensible to the Royal Academy the profitable advantage of your correspondence by the reading of several curious extracts of the Late Philosophical transactions that you sent me. I receive the favour that you are willing to do me of giving me the other transactions. I pray you do me the favour to give those of this year to Dr. Le feure which will send me at the first occasion; & in requital of them I will send you some other books and the memorial of the Royal Academy which will be printed in the end of every year. Mr Tournefort remembers his hearty services to you. pray sir to remember my most humble Duties to all of our friends of our acquaintance. I will acquaint Mr. Bourdelot concerning your catalogue

Etienne Francois Geoffroy (1672-1731) was an apothecary and physician who studied at Montpellier, like Sloane, and worked at the Jardin du Roi and College Royal (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Etienne_Francois_Geoffroy).




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Letter 0350

Peter Barwick to Hans Sloane – July 10, 1690


Item info

Date: July 10, 1690
Author: Peter Barwick
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4036
Folio: f. 88



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Transcription

Peter Barwick (1619-1705) was a physician. He served Charles II in 1651 and was censor of the College of Physicians in 1674, 1684, and 1687. Sir Hans Sloane was one of the executors of Barwick’s will (Peter Elmer, ‘Barwick, Peter (1619–1705)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1614, accessed 9 July 2014]).




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Letter 0645

Edmond Halley to Hans Sloane – October 26, 1700


Item info

Date: October 26, 1700
Author: Edmond Halley
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 82-83



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Transcription

Halley regrets that while enjoying Sloane’s good company over a bottle of wine on Monday he forgot to ask a favour. He requests that Sloane meet him at the King’s Arms in Ludgate Hill to discuss the matter. Edmond Halley left Oxford without an undergraduate degree to travel the world, giving him the opportunity to study astronomy on the spot. Upon returning to England he had a prestigious career and collaborated with Sir Isaac Newton, entered the public service, served as a professor at Oxford, and was appointed Astronomer Royal in 1721 (Alan Cook, “Halley, Edmond (1656-1742)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12011, accessed 1 June 2011]).




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How to Build a Universal Collection, or Nicknackatory

By James Hawkes

Sloane and me at the British Museum.

Sloane and I at the British Museum.

The sheer immensity of Sloane’s collection poses a daunting challenge for the researcher, especially given its present division among different institutions. It might be useful to consider Sloane’s collection alongside smaller and more manageable (not to mention intact!) ones.

I recently had the opportunity to travel to the United Kingdom as part of a senior-undergraduate course offered by the University of Saskatchewan. Coins in Early Modern Collections of Curiosities was a hands-on study of coins in two early modern cabinets of curiosities: John Bargrave’s seventeenth-century collection (Canterbury Cathedral) and William Constable late 18th century cabinet of curiosities  (Burton Constable).

Although Sloane’s numismatic collection has physically endured better than, say, his beloved butterflies, we don’t have many details about this part of the collection. The catalogues describing Sloane’s coins disappeared during the Second World War.  But by studying other complete (if comparatively small) early modern collections of coins, gives insight into Sloane’s goals and influences.

Cabinets of Curiosities were intended to represent the whole of Creation in microcosm, something far easier to discern with intact collections. In our age of narrow specialisation, Sloane’s collection has been divvied up so thoroughly between the British Library, the British Museumn, and the Natural History Museum, that the universalising ambition of Sloane can be hard to see. Smaller cabinets also provide an appreciation for how the sheer size of Sloane’s collection made it so exceptional.

No collector could bear to look at himself in the mirror without at least one unicorn horn in his collection (from Burton Constable)

No collector could bear to look at himself in the mirror without at least one unicorn horn in his collection (from Burton Constable)

So, how do you go about building a universal collection?

The world is filled with strange and wondrous objects and if you are as serious about building a microcosm of it as Sloane was, then you’ll need to get your hands on some pretty weird artefacts. These can range from simple oddities like a “rope snapped by a strong man,” to an alicorn or even a horn from a woman’s head. 

Not all of Sloane’s contemporaries were enthusiastic about his penchant for collecting almost anything that fell into his hands. As Horace Walpole, one of the trustees Sloane appointed to posthumously oversee his collection said:

You will scarce guess how I employ my time; chiefly at present in the guardianship of embryos and cockleshells. Sir hans [sic] Sloane is dead, and has made me one of the trustees to his museum. . . . He valued it at fourscore thousand; and so would any body who loves hippopotamuses, sharks with one ear, and spiders as big as geese!

Sir Charles Hanbury Williams also expressed similar sentiments about the value of Sloane’s collecting in an ironic ode on the subject. In this poem he claimed that he was acquiring for Sloane’s “nicknackatory”  such fantastic curiosities as Dido’s sword, Eve’s snakeskin, Adam’s fig-leaf, Noah’s stuffed pigeon, a sultry glance from Cleopatra and a few “strains of Cicero’s eloquence.” He even suggested that Sloane’s inability to distinguish fact from fiction extended  to his medical practice… Sloane has acquired such invaluable medicine as: [1]

The stone whereby Goliath died, Which cures the head-ache, well apply’d.

It is certainly worth noting that Sloane’s medicine chest contained some items that we would now think of as pretty odd, such as holding bezoars (a mass from a goat’s intestines) as sovereign against poison.

Many major English museums originated–like the British Museum–in personal cabinets of curiosities, but these were so integrated with other collections that the institutions are uncertain about the provenance of a number of the artefacts in their care. For historians, this tendency to merge collections rather than to preserve them in pristine isolation (as the British Library treats stamp collections) may seem unfortunate.

However, this disregard of previous collectors and focus on the artefacts themselves was also the general practice of Sloane and his contemporaries. For instance, Elias Ashmole’s collection (which became the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford) was largely grounded in the Ark of the Tradescants. Sloane himself was (in)famous for how much of his incomparable collection was built on the wholesale acquisition of the collections of others.

Just as Sloane was attempting to present the world in microcosm, the Enlightenment Gallery at the British Museum can be seen as an attempt to represent Sloane’s collection in microcosm. Our class visit to the gallery was an opportunity to see items from Sloane’s collection, with its strange juxtaposition of naturalia and classicism. This gives a small taste of the experience that Sloane’s contemporaries might have had when visiting his in Chelsea so many centuries ago. It is a powerful moment to actually see the physical objects of centuries ago, rather than merely to read about them or look at pictures. The heady experience of actually seeing the objects is of course why–both in Sloane’s time and today–museums are so popular. Cliche but true, they make history come to life!

A Microcosm of a Microcosm, from the Enlightenment Gallery of the British Museum

A Microcosm of a Microcosm, from the Enlightenment Gallery of the British Museum

[1] Barbara M. Benedict, “Collecting Trouble: Sir Hans Sloane’s Literary Reputation in Eighteenth-Century Britain,” Eighteenth Century Life, 36, 2 (2012), 120, 126-128.

Suffering from Colds in the Eighteenth Century

I apologise for my unexpectedly long absence from the blog, occasioned by a nasty cold followed by an even worse chest infection. But now that I’m on the mend thanks to a course of antibiotics, I have the luxury of sufficient oxygen in my blood stream to reflect on colds in days of yore.

A sick man with a cold. Coloured lithograph, 1833. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

While nobody ever dies from the common cold, complications from colds can be debilitating or even fatal: chest infections, pneumonia, pleurisy… And these sorts of problems regularly developed in eighteenth-century patients. For fun, I trawled through the database for symptoms nearest my own to see how patients would have treated their colds. It’s not a pretty picture: lengthy and dangerous illnesses and ineffective and uncomfortable treatments.

Patients rarely consulted Sloane for recent or urgent problems, but colds often slipped into the chronic category. Elizabeth Southwell, in an undated letter,* noted that her cold had already lasted two weeks. In 1708, Elizabeth Howland referred to hers lasting three weeks. Lord Lempster, who had a chronic lung condition, had already been suffering from a cold for two weeks when his doctor James Keill wrote to Sloane on June 22, 1710. As if that wasn’t long enough, the winner of these misery sweepstakes was the Earl of Thanet who reported on July 31, 1712 that he had been taking remedies for is cold since June 12.

These weren’t just gracefully fading colds, moreover, but ones that worried sufferers. Keill had anticipated Lord Lempsters’s death, given his laboured breathing; the patient remained seriously ill when Keill wrote again on July 9. Lord Lempster, Southwell and Howland had all started to spit occasional blood in their phlegm. Southwell’s cough was so violent she had given up on taking most remedies, except diacodium (a painkiller made of poppies). The Earl of Thanet and Howland both suffered from chest pains, which can indicate the onset of a serious chest ailment, while the Earl and Southwell had sore throats. Howland was also constantly hot, which she attributed to a sharpness and heat in her blood. Colds that wouldn’t clear up might have different–and apparently hot–effects, as Dr. Keill suggested when diagnosing Lord Lempster’s problems as a stoppage of blood rather than the more serious inflammation of the lungs. Either way, these were serious complications from what started as a cold.

Although there were other remedies used, the treatments focused primarily on diet, bleeding, blistering and purging. The Earl and Howland both drank milk, then known for its healthful benefits in lung ailments. The Earl and Southwell ate fruit–possibly to keep their bowels regular. Southwell had eaten figs, while the Earl had tried and rejected oranges (proposing instead pears). All four patients were bled. Southwell, for example, had been bled twice and Lord Lempster at least three times (10 ounces, 8 ounces, and 8 ounces). Keill also suggested that Lord Lempster try blisters and purging; the Earl initially used blisters, but thought a bit of purging could also be useful. Other remedies described included powder of pearl (the Earl), chalybeates to cause vomiting (Lempster), barley water, linseed oil, sarsaparilla and China tea (Howland). The main goal of the remedies was to reduce inflammation of the lungs, break up the stoppages of the blood, or to cool the blood.

The fates of these eighteenth-century patients? Elizabeth Howland (c. 1658- 1719) and the Earl of Thanet (1644-1729) lasted many years after. Elizabeth Southwell (1674-1709) was the youngest sufferer and she died within a few years of her illness (though not necessarily related). Lord Lempster (1648-1711) was already chronically ill before he contracted his cold, and continued poorly for another year and a half before he died.

Whatever the rationale behind eighteenth-century explanations of and treatments for colds, I’m just glad that I didn’t have to suffer bleeding, purging, and blisters in addition to the misery of a chest infection!

*After 1705 when she had a son. The letter refers to visiting her young ill son.

A Peculiar Postscript

Eighteenth-century letters generally contain an excess of politeness, even when one correspondent rebuked another. But every now and then, letter recipients must have been left scratching their heads—and not because of head lice…

In 1732, the Dowager Countess of Ferrers wrote to Mrs Hinde, asking her to take the letter along with payment to Sir Hans Sloane for advice on an eye problem. The letter begins with an apology for not writing to Mr Hinde. This the Countess blamed on her eye trouble, which “render’d it [writing] so uneasy to me that I now never attempt it but when forced by Business of necessity”. The Countess then found the energy to write a lengthy letter (about 1200 words) on her eye problem. Well then, that put the Hindes in their place: she was only writing because she wanted something.

Of course, there was an obvious status difference between writer and recipient here. The rules for polite behaviour that were so integral to the Republic of Letters (or when a lower-ranking person wrote to a higher-ranking recipient) did not apply when the letter writer was the social superior. The Hindes probably thought nothing of this particular comment.

But still, the real charm clincher comes in the postscript.

I am glad yr young baby and misses have so much Health & strength & gives so much entertainment to ye whole Family, I cannot say that I ever could give into ye amusement of being able to divert my self with little Children but I have often envy’d those that found pleasure in them & therefore give Mrs Hinde Joy upon that occasion.

Two mothers with crying babies and one in a walking frame; comparing the human infant's helplessness with the self-sufficiency of newborn animals. Engraving by P. Galle, c. 1563. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Two mothers with crying babies and one in a walking frame; comparing the human infant’s helplessness with the self-sufficiency of newborn animals. Engraving by P. Galle, c. 1563. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Righto. And this is what I hear it as:

Congratulations on the birth of your baby, if that’s what makes you happy. I hate small kids. And I’m sorry not sorry that I never liked them.

Anyway, social status notwithstanding, the Countess’ somewhat peculiar (if unintentionally hilarious) postscript surely must have left the Hindes wondering how long they could reasonably wait before passing on the letter to Sloane. And given that the Countess had sent the letter from France, there could have been any number of possible reasons for a delay.

Letter 3917

Hans Sloane to Antoine de Jussieu – 11 d'aout 1731


Item info

Date: 11 d'aout 1731
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Antoine de Jussieu

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: f. 187



Original Page



Transcription

Monsr. MonSr. Jussieu Quoique votre lettre du 27e de Juillet m’ait eté fort agréable, votre presence me le serait encore bien plus, si vos affaires vous permettaient de faire le voyage d’Angleterre, que vous avez eu depuis quelque tems dessein de faire. Mais vous faites bien voir que l’interet commun du genres humain est preferable a correction de nos Intentions particulieres et je suis trop souvent dans le Cas pour ne pas vous en louer, et me consoler & d’etre privé dune conversation aussi souhaittasse et aussi chere que la votre tant que cette raison si bris le[?]. J’ai donné la lettre de M. de Mairan a M. Machin et dès que j’aurai sa reponce, je ne tarderai pas à vous l’envoier. Je vous prie, MonSr, de lui faire mes Complimens et de l’assurer que je recurai avec autant de reconnaissance que de plaisir les fossiles &, quil lui plaira m’envoier. Je ne doute pas que les fossiles de Chaumont et ceux d’autres[?] de Reims ne soit curieux et je vous serai fort obligé de ceux que vous aurez la bonté de me faire tenir En attendant j’ai l’honneur d’etre avec beaucoup de Sincerité et de Reisse[?] M &e Mes Complimens si vous plait Mr a Mr votre frère A Londres ce 11e d’août. 1731.




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Letter 3509

Hans Sloane to Guy-Crescent Fagon – Juin le 12 1713


Item info

Date: Juin le 12 1713
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Guy-Crescent Fagon

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: f. 77-78



Original Page



Transcription

Monsr. Juin le 12 1713 V.S. A Monsieur Fagon, Il y a quelques mois que je me donnai l’honneur de vous envoyer une boette de curiosites et Semences qui vous etaiens addressees des Isles de l’Amerique prises par un de nos vaisseaus de Guerre. J’en suis fache que cela se soit egaré comme je l’apprends par MonSr. L’Abbe Bignon que j’avais prié de vous le faire venir de ma part. J’espere encore par des recherches que je fais de le redonner & de vous le faire rendre. En attendant sous la protection de MonSr. Le Duc D’Aumont je vous envoye 45 sortes de Semences nouvellement apportees de la Chine & du Japon. Ce sons les premieres que j’ai receües du Japon & sont les fleurs & herbes potageres & d’usage[?] dans ce pais la. Je connais bien la le Lablab Alpini qui croit en Egypte & le Sesame & quelques courges Amaranthes la moutardes les mala insana mais la pluspart me sont absolum inconnüt peut estre celles rangeons[?] elles differente des autres que nous avons veues. Comme ces Semences sont fraiches & que vostre gout a l’égard de ces sortes des choses es vostre grand merite mest connu depuis longtemps je vous les envoye comme un tribut qui vous est du avoir Mr. que avez tant fait pour l’avancement des lettres & particulierement de la botaniques de notre profession. Je prie dieu qu’il vous conferie[?] encore longtemps pour ces & d’autre biens publies & suis avec tres grand repect. Vostre tres humble &




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