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Thomas Lediard (Lediarde)

Thomas Lediard (1685–1743) was an English writer and surveyor.

Early in his life, he was attached to the staff of the Duke of Marlborough, particularly in 1707, on the occasion of the Duke’s visit to Charles XII of Sweden. He is assumed to have been there as a diplomat, an attaché to the embassy at Hamburg, seconded as a foreign secretary. He was then for many years secretary to the British envoy in Hamburg.

Lediard returned to England some time before 1732.In February 1738 he wrote a proposal for Westminster Bridge. Possibly as a consequence of this proposal, he was appointed Agent and Surveyor of Westminster Bridge. In 1742 the Crown lands from Westminster Bridge to Charing Cross were granted to him and Sir Joseph Ayloffe, to hold in trust to the Commissioners appointed to build the bridge. On 9 December 1742 Lediard was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.

 

 

Reference:

Thomas Lediarde to Hans Sloane, 1735-08-25, Sloane MS 4054f. 94, British Library, London

Thomas Lediard, Wikipedia, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Lediard, accessed 03/09/2017]

J. K. Laughton, ‘Lediard, Thomas (1685–1743)’, rev. Alexander Du Toit, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16269, accessed 3 Sept 2017]



Dates: to

Occupation: Unknown

Relationship to Sloane: Virtual International Authority File:

Letter 0418

Jacob Bobart to Hans Sloane – August 10, 1696


Item info

Date: August 10, 1696
Author: Jacob Bobart
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4036
Folio: ff. 252-253



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 252] Pardon me Sir that I use this way, not being certaine how better to direct to you, to beg some mitigation of your severe censure on my tarditie, and not returning my thankfullness before now, for that your most acceptable Present of your late most elaborate and correct work… Which I sometimes (when ever I can find time) peruse with a great satisfaction as admiration, when I consider the multiplicity of your cited Authors, and from thence your great care, pains & judgement in researching, comparing and reconcileing soe many writers, weither as I may say, Litirate, or some allmost illiterate: which to doe and bring to this perfection, I am very sensible hath cost you noe small labour in compileing; and hope, with the rest of the world, that it is but as a fore-runner, instance and a farther promise from you of your excellent History, which you by this prospect which you have been pleas’d to open, have made us more earnest for and disirous of, then ever. May you live to enrich the world therwith; enjoy all happyness and prosperitie; and direct me which way or wherein I may prove serviceable to you…

Bobart apologizes for his tardiness in thanking Sloane and praises the latter’s work.

Jacob Bobart (1641-1719) was a botanist and son of Jacob Bobart, the elder (c.1599-1680). He worked with his father at the Oxford Physic Garden for nearly 40 years (D. E. Allen, ‘Bobart, Jacob, the younger (1641–1719)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2742, accessed 5 June 2015]).




Patient Details

Letter 2267

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – April 17, 1718


Item info

Date: April 17, 1718
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4045
Folio: ff. 108-109



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 108] Worthy Sr you may Remember that I mentioned the Composeing of A Small Treatise of Americ=an Plants Setting forth their Experienced Medecinal Vertues or Specifick Qualityes, wch I have Now Finished. And Because I doo not Confine my Self Altogether to the Island of Jamaica I Think to give it the Name of Hortus Ameri=canus Medecinales I Begin with the Plain and Vulgar Name of every Plant in an Alpha=betical Manner (as you doo in the Inclosed) and then I always keep a Due Respect to What you have Said of it and Refere the Reader to your Naturall History of Jamaica for the figure of the Plant and the Name you Call it by, and of what Tribe you make it off and Where you have it not in your History I Recomment them to your Catalogue Letting them Know by what Name they Will finde it there and Mention those that I think hath the Best Designs of the figure of the Plant, I have two Reasons for the Doing of this in the Plainest English I can put it in first because I Observed that the People in America being for the most part Altogether Straingers to the Latin Names of Plants there were at a Loss how to make a Rite use of your, Most usefull Book: wch by this Small Pockett Book it Will be Readily and easily understood. And as I have sett forth the known Virtues and experienced Qualityes as I gained them from Spaniards Indians and Negroes: Will make it of great use and Profitt (as I hope) to Planter being fitted for the meanest Capacitys and be a means to stir up their Desires to a further Search into Authors that hath Writt of Plants Growing amongst them, and make them Senceable How much they are be holden to you: The Second Reason is as you have done me the Honour to Introduce me into the Honourable Royal Society I Would Willingly be daring of Something and Throw in my MiteL and not to be all together a Worthless Member: but Notwithstanding what I have done Shall Never be made Publick until first, you have the Perusall of it (when writ over againe in a better hand than I Write) in Order to give your Opinion and to make What Alterations you Shall approve off if you Will see the Nature of it by the Inclosed, and What ever Plant you think fitt to be left out or added Shall be done and after you have given your Opinion and encouragement it may goo forth into the World: Otherwise it shall Remaine an Abortive and None but yourself Shall Known any think of it Shall Leave it to your Candid and Juditious Consideration Allways Remaning your Faithfull Obligated Servant to Command at all times Henry Barham Aprill 17th D: 4 1718

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 1752

James Petiver to Hans Sloane – June 7, 1711


Item info

Date: June 7, 1711
Author: James Petiver
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4042
Folio: f. 295



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 295] Hond Sr. Last Night (I thank God) I came safe and with very good Company to Harwich when we found the town full of Passengers bound for Holland, many of whom have lain here wind bound above a ffortnight at no small Expense of Time & Money. But this Morning God be praised a Wind has mooved about, so that we are all preparing to sail at Noon wch is now small Comfort both to them or us. We are now why being in laying Passage & that we may be in Holland to Morrow, from thence Sr as soon as our Sail is over you may be assured you shall hear more at last from Hond Worthy Sr Yr most Obedient + humble Servt James Petiver Harwich Thursday Morning June 7th 1711 P.S. Its now almost 12 at Noon & the Post, just going away leaving us behooldn Hope & Fear the Wind wavering we no call, so up we must rejoin unknowing our departure to the ffuture port Letters. My Requests to the Royal Society & yourself & all ffrinds.

James Petiver was a botanist and entomologist who worked in England. He traveled little, getting his specimens locally or from contacts. He traveled to Leiden on behalf of Sloane to the auction of Paul Hermann’s collection in 1711 (D. E. Allen, ‘Petiver, James (c.1665–1718)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2009 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/22041, accessed 8 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 3597

Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet to Hans Sloane – April 12, 1729


Item info

Date: April 12, 1729
Author: Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: ff. 96-97



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 96] Hothfield 12. April 1729. Sir Hans In answer to your Letter of the 3rd April. I did not intent that you should have the trouble of writing to me, but only desired that you woud call on my Daughter Harold, and tell her what publick Charities you most approvd of that she might impart them to me; And I do rather wish that you woud recommend to me some considerable publick Charitys that I might contribute to them whilst I live than to leave it to be done by others when I am dead and shoud be pleasd if you coud recommend to me any worthy Honest man that woud rightly dispose of Charitys when I am dead, and am concernd that you shoud trouble your self in rects for such little sums you gave, for had there been Thousands instead of Hundreds I shoud have concluded you would have dispersd of them as justly as if I have done it wth my own hands but being sensible this little Concern had been too troublesome to you, you shall have no further trouble in it, but coud wish youd recomend some Honest Man that justly wd dispose sometimes of 100 to poor Familys that have great Charge of Children for I take that to be the best Charity. As I mentiond to you formerly how much I approvd of our Hospitall being built and settled for the preservation of Houndlings so finding it now mentiond in the London Evening post, that at the Assizes in Surry it was approvd of by the judges, and that subscriptions were begun, and as it was thought it woud go on wth great success I shoud be glad to hear your opinion of it, when the method is settled of raising money by a large subscription for purchasing Lands and building the said Hospitall, and I shall be inclined to subscribe to so good a Charity when I hear the management of it will be put into such hands as will effectually go on wth it, and I suppose the subscriptions will be to pay so much yearly towards the building the said Hospitall and I coud wish that the new merchants in London were as much inclined to provide for the poor Seamen that that [sic] lose their limbs in their service, and have no sort of provision made for them when they come home but begging and starving. You may conclude I have continued well since you have not so long heard from me relating to me health for I have had no symptoms of the Gout in my Stomach since I receivd your last directions, nor in any other part of my Body, but am grown within this year very deaf, and my sight so fails me that I cant read a Letter but have reason to bless God that these infirmitys did not come upon me sooner for I dont feel the pain and weakness wch too much attends the Age of 85 wch I shall be if I live till next August, and as I coud never live in London, without being tormented wth Coughing and Colds, so I very seldom have any of them here, and as I was 30 years ago sullinged for deafness wch then perfectly cured mee so I now believe if I was carefully sullinged in June, it woud as perfectly restore me to my hearing wch I desire to hear your opinion of, and shall always continue Your Faithfull Friend Thanet I dont desire to hear from you till you can give me a perfect acct of the settlement of this Hospitall

Thomas Tufton (1644-1729), 6th Earl of Thanet, was a nobleman and politician. He served as Captain of the Troop of Horse, Member of Parliament for Appelby from 1668 to 1679, and was eventually invested as a Privy Councillor in 1702. He was Lord-Lieutenant of Cumberland from 1712 to 1714 (G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday, Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden, editors, ‘The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant’, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6 volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume III, page 297).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    'I have had no symptoms of the Gout in my Stomach since I receivd your last directions, nor in any other part of my Body, but am grown within this year very deaf, and my sight so fails me that I cant read a Letter but have reason to bless God that these infirmitys did not come upon me sooner for I dont feel the pain and weakness'.

  • Diagnosis

    Hearing loss.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    'I was 30 years ago sullinged for deafness wch then perfectly cured mee so I now believe if I was carefully sullinged in June, it woud as perfectly restore me to my hearing wch I desire to hear your opinion of'.


    Ongoing Treatment:

    Thanet solicits Sloane's opinion.


    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Ears, Gout, Stomach, Eyes

Letter 4441

Thomas Short to Hans Sloane – March 4, 1731/32


Item info

Date: March 4, 1731/32
Author: Thomas Short
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: f. 81



Original Page



Transcription

Short returns two of Sloane’s books and sends ‘the long promised garden knife’. He thanks Sloane for lending the books and sending the paper from the Philosophical Transactions. Short cannot afford to purchase a complete collection of the Transactions. He has asked two London booksellers to collect what copies they come across for him. Sloane and the Royal Society can expect to hear from Short in the summer when he has ‘finished [his] natural History & tryalls of the waters’. Short discusses his experiments with mineral waters. He received a letter from Dr Mead stating he would send ‘many fine things’. Thomas Short was a Scottish physician who settled in Sheffield. He traveled throughout England examining the medical effects of mineral waters and published works promoting their use in 1725 and 1766 (Norman Moore, Short, Thomas (c.16901772), rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25461, accessed 24 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Lost Letters in the Eighteenth Century

Copies of William Dockwra’s postal markings used in 1680-1682. Credit: Michael Romanov, Wikimedia Commons.

Copies of William Dockwra’s postal markings used in 1680-1682. Credit: Michael Romanov, Wikimedia Commons.

Sending a letter around the turn of the eighteenth century was an uncertain business. Although the Penny Post (1680) had enabled the daily delivery of letters within ten miles of London, letters were generally sent with travellers or servants or, perhaps, by diplomatic channels, over longer distances. As Alice Marples recently hinted, warfare, lost ships, highwaymen, pirates and unreliable bearers were potential barriers to delivery. Hans Sloane’s correspondents, not surprisingly, had much to say on the matter of postal problems–including, sometimes, the letter-writer himself!

The path of sending letters was sometimes complicated. William Fraser forwarded Sloane a letter from Dr Martini in Riga. Fraser had left Martini’s letter behind in Hamburg by accident and had only just received it once more. Any replies were to be directed to Fraser at Robin’s Coffeehouse, which he would then forward to Martini in Riga. Fraser’s letter was undated, so there is no telling how long it took for Martini’s letter dated 20 December 1717 to reach Sloane. Jacob Scheuchzer of Zurich had a detailed back-up plan that he needed when he did not hear from Sloane, despite sending several letters, in 1716. He wrote to John Woodward in England who then forwarded Sloane a copy of the original letter.

This was a wise decision when letters and packages might be lost. Letters sent between countries were especially at risk.  Denis Papin, for example, only learned in 1709 that Sloane had sent a letter to him in France when a mutual acquaintance told him. Johann Philipp Breyne, writing from Amsterdam, was disappointed in 1702 when he discovered that Sloane had never received his letter from Rome, which had included (tantalizingly) a “curious account”. But even letters sent within England might go astray. In April 1702, Abraham de la Pryme, writing from Thorne, was unsure whether or not Sloane had received his last month’s letter about a man bitten by a rabid dog. To make matters worse, the Philosophical Transactions that Sloane had sent him had also not arrived!

Despite the problems, people seem to have trusted the post enough to send valuable items through it. William Sherard reported in 1701 that several prints had arrived from Paris and were at the post office awaiting payment of customs fees. Sherard also promised that his brother, once returned from Paris, would send Sloane some books. John Ray, in 1697, let Sloane know that he had finally received Sloane’s package of flower specimens.

Of course, sometimes lost letters were the ones ignored buried under Sloane’s piles of correspondence. In May 1704, Nehemiah Grew wrote to Sloane about one of Ralph Thoresby’s letters (subject unspecified). Sloane had apparently not yet responded to or returned the letter, despite his promises for over half a year. This, Grew complained, put him in a difficult position. He demanded that Sloane return Thoresby’s letter immediately. Sloane presumably returned the letter and it seems likely that the letter was eventually published in the Philosophical Transactions (1704) as the (delightfully titled) “An Extract of a Letter from Mr Ralph Thoresby, F.R.S. to Nehemiah Grew, Fellow of the College of Physicians and R.S. concerning a Ball voided by Stool”.

Sloane’s lack of a reply to Grew and Thoresby does, however, make me wonder how many of these ‘concerns’ about lost letters were actually Sloane’s correspondents issuing polite reminders to reply— a strategy that is as useful  in the age of electronic communication as it was in the eighteenth century…

October 9 is World Post Day: the celebration of the Universal Postal Union, founded in 1874, which allowed for the development of a reliable international postal service.

For more on early modern letters and post, see James Daybell, The Material Letter in Early Modern England (2012).

A Welsh Doctor, Sir Hans Sloane, and the disappearing catheter

By Alun Withey

Editor’s note: Alun would like to warn all readers that this post contains some graphic description of a particularly uncomfortable surgical technique…

Woodcut preparatio of patient for lithotomy, 1628. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Woodcut preparatio of patient for lithotomy, 1628. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

In 1720, Dr. Alban Thomas was something of a high-flyer. The son of a Pembrokeshire cleric and poet, Alban first matriculated from Oxford in 1708, became librarian of the Ashmolean museum, assistant secretary of the Royal Society and, if that wasn’t enough, obtained his doctorate in medicine from Aberdeen in 1719. At a time when Wales was still a largely rural country, with no medical institutions of its own and fairly poor transport and road infrastructures, these were exceptional achievements for a boy from Newcastle Emlyn.

Also unusual was that Alban appears to have returned to Wales to set up his medical practice; many Welsh practitioners who had trained in Oxford or London chose not to return, choosing the potentially more lucrative market of the larger English towns. Nonetheless, especially in and around the growing Welsh towns, there was still a relatively wealthy Welsh elite to cater for and some, like Alban, positioned themselves to serve the denizens of large estates and houses.

It is clear, though, that Alban still had connections. One of his correspondents was no less a luminary than Sir Hans Sloane, the Irish physician to the fashionable and, indeed, the royal and, later, president of the Royal Society. Surviving letters from Alban Thomas to Sloane suggest that theirs was a fairly regular correspondence, with Sloane acting in an advisory role for particular cases. It is one particular case that interests us here.

In November 1738, Alban Thomas wrote to Sloane regarding a patient, Sir Thomas Knolles of Wenallt, Pembrokeshire, who was causing him concern. Knolles, although “a person of great worth, candour and humanity” was also

a person of very gross habit, of body an unusual size and make and about 20 stone weight with an appetite to his meat but very moderate in his drinking.

Knolles enjoyed exercise but, due to his size, this was often done on horseback.

At some stage, Knolles had become ‘dropsicall’ and suffered from swollen legs. The doctor used a combination of diuretics and tight, laced stockings to countermand this with, he reported, some success as Knolles returned to health, requiring only the odd purge as a ‘spring clean’. About four years previously however Knolles had begun to complain of a swelling in his scrotum, which Alban Thomas assumed to be hydrocele–a condition causing grossly swollen testicles (sometimes treated by injecting port wine into the testicles). After drawing off “about a quart of limpid serum” from the stoic Knolles’ testicles followed by the application of a dressing, and strict recovery routines, the doctor hoped that he had cured the condition for good. This proved to be premature.

When Knolles began to complain sometimes of not being able to pass urine at all, at others a few drops and occasionally losing his bladder control entirely, he took it upon himself to get a second opinion from an unnamed doctor in nearby Haverfordwest. This physician prescribed a ‘Turbith vomit’ which wrought well and even caused Knolles to void a stone about the size of a kidney bean. Rather than being put off by this occurrence, Knolles was encouraged and began to pester Dr Thomas to give him more of these treatments. Unimpressed and undeterred, Thomas decided on a more proactive course. After putting Knolles on a course of diuretic medicines, liquors and balsams for a week he brought in to his consulting room. What happened next highlights the particular horrors of early modern surgery.

Left, Raw's grooved catheter; right, bladder of a male. Engraving with etching. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Left, Raw’s grooved catheter; right, bladder of a male. Engraving with etching. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

When Knolles arrived, Dr Thomas first applied a Turbith vomit, hoping that “so rugged a medicine” would clear the blockage without the need for more invasive procedures. It didn’t. In fact, the symptoms grew worse. It was at this point that Dr Thomas reached for his catheter and introduced it into the unfortunate Sir Thomas’s member. Expecting some resistance, he was surprised to find that the catheter went in without resistance.

On the contrary it seemed to force itself out of my fingers after passing the neck of the bladder as if it was sucked in, which I thought was owing to the pressure of his belly, the crooked end was now upward.

Yes, you read it right. The catheter was ‘sucked’ out of the doctors fingers and upwards further into the bladder! Now, any male readers may want to cross their legs!

In an attempt to probe for the stone that he feared was lurking in the bladder, and to release some water, Dr Thomas decided to turn the catheter around. At this point, the poor patient “cryed out with some violence…TAKE IT OUT I CAN BEAR IT NO LONGER”. Happily for Knolles the catheter came out “with as much ease as it went in without one drop through it or immediately after it”.

Three months later, the patient was still suffering, with the addition of great pain, defying all attempts for his relief. Despite being a “hail, hearty man having good lungs but lyable to hoarseness” and the occasional cold, Alban Thomas perceived him to be a healthy man. His efforts to treat Knolles had so far failed and he appealed to the eminent Sloane to help him “form a right judgement in this case”.

And so we leave the story there. What happened to Knolles is unclear, but the pain of his condition can only have been matched by the pain of his treatment. Suffering a succession of violent vomits, pills, electuaries and, finally, a wandering catheter, it is almost amazing to think that he ever went near Dr Alban Thomas again. Such (uncomfortable) cases remind us of the situation facing patients in the early modern period. For some the decision to see a doctor must have been a balancing act between bearing their illness or facing treatment.

(This post originally appeared on Alun Withey’s blog http://dralun.wordpress.com. Thank you to Alun for cross-posting his Sloane story here!)

Letter 2515

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – October 26, 1721


Item info

Date: October 26, 1721
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 140-141



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 140] Worthy Sr I give you Many thanks for your Favours that of June [?], and that by Mr Henderson who I Shall be proud to Serve for your Sake He Arrived in the John Gally the 10th of this Instant October, I Shall be very Diligent and Collect any thing that may be Worth your Observation but Cannot doo it soo Well Untill I See your Second Volume; those Necessary for Preservation of them I must be beholden to you for there being Neither for Love or Money to be had Here, the Insects my Son Sent were part of a Collection He bought of the Executors of Dr. Fiarguas (who Dyed here) wch Collection the Dr and His Life time (wch was very short in Jamaica) He Valued at a great Rate my Son hath many of them Still by Him the Catalogue of them is Lost and soo off Less Value to Him because there is Numbers but noo Names to themL anyone at your service but I Believe tou have of the Same Sort there is a Musk Rat in Spirit of Wine and Spanish Viper and an Egyptian Crocodile and many Other things unknown: or from whence brought: The Paper book of Plants that I writt if youl Please to send it me Over I Shall have Oportunity to Correct and Amend; at my Laisure time I have a Writ an Historicall Account of Jamaica from its first being taken With the Transaction of the English Possession of it to this Present Governour: taken out of manuscrips and Records; wch I think if Printed might be of use to those now in being and those that come Hereafter and might for the futur be Regular kept up as time Requires; it Will make a Pritty think Octave: but I shall doo nothing without your advice and Opinion; The Reason out undertakeing goes no faster on is wholly own to the Indolency and Neglect of the Attornys Here; who have all the Power and Money in their Hands and doo not meet Sometimes in 3 Months wch Obstructs our Proceedings: it is but a little while agoo that I Could Prevail to Lett any of the Mienrs at Work: and that but Part of them at the North side in Swift River which is all full of mines on each side its banks for many miles: its in the Parish of St Georges about 2 Leagues to the Westward off Rio Grande and about 4 Ligues to the Westward of Port Antonia they have began to Digg and finde Alreaddy the Oar in ease [?] in quantity and Good quality: The Rest I hope to Let att Work very spedily about the Head of Rio Cobra where in a great mountain of Copper Oar and Several Symptoms of mines and their Veins and Discovered on the Banks of Rio del Ora and Great Hindrance in People haveing a Notion that their Lands Will be taken from them; they Conceall all they Can from us: but but the Country is fuller of mines by what Searches I have made than ever Could be imagined or thought off no part of the mountains either north of South, East, or West, but what there is more or Less Vizable Mines; and I did not question in the Least but if the undertakeing was Carried on as it should be, but it Would ensure the Subscribers undertakeing: noo more at Present but my and my Wifes Hearty Love and Respect to you and all your Damilt in Particular; and to all Friends in Generall I thank God I have not had the Least Symptoms of the Gout or any Other illness Since I Left England: I always Remaning your most Faithfull Freind and Servant to Send you at times and Places Henry Barham St. Iago de la Vego October 26: 1721

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Mary Davis, the horned woman

By Felicity Roberts

Mary Davis by an anonymous artist. Credit: British Museum.

Mary Davis by an anonymous artist. Credit: British Museum.

At the British Museum, near the centre of the Enlightenment Gallery in wall press 156, there is a portrait in oils of a woman with what appear to be horn-like growths coming from the side of her head.  The woman has an arresting, impassive facial expression.  She wears no cap, so her head is exposed to the viewer, but she is demurely dressed, with her left arm drawn up and across her body so that her hand rests firmly on her collar. She seems to wait patiently for our observation of her to end.

The inscription on the painting reads:

“This is the portraiture of Mary Davis, an inhabitant of Great Saughall near Ches[ter.]  Was taken Ano. Dom. 1668, Aetatis 74 when she was 28 years old an excrescence rose uppon her head which continued thirty years like to a wen then grew into two hornes after 5 years she cast them then grew 2 more after 5 years she cast them. These uppon her head have grown 4 years and are to be seen […cropped]”.

Today we would say that Mary Davis had developed cutaneous horns.  It is a relatively rare condition in which a lesion or lesions develop on the skin, usually around the face or neck, sometimes protruding several centimetres.  Such lesions occur more frequently in older people and on commonly exposed parts of the body. Although their cause has been linked with sun exposure, underlying skin tumours has also been suggested.  Even with these medical explanations, a person who develops cutaneous horns today may still be the subject of news reports likening their appearance to that of the devil.

In the seventeenth- and eighteenth-centuries, such persons were treated as both wonders and anomalies of nature [1].  That is to say, their condition was interpreted as both a religious portent and a natural phenomenon.  Davis herself was, as an aging widow, exhibited at the Swan pub on the Strand where members of the public could come to see “such a Wonder in Nature, as hath neither been read nor heard of […] since the Creation” [2].  Yet her portrait was also collected by natural philosophers, and the horns she shed entered various cabinets of curiosity, including, it seems, the Ashmolean Museum and the British Museum. Both these specimens are now lost [3].  The interest shown in Davis’ condition is a good example of the overlap that existed between popular and scientific culture in London at the turn of the eighteenth century.

Sir Hans Sloane certainly had an interest in curious objects, especially ones which seemed to transgress the boundaries between human and animal, natural and monstrous.  He owned a horn shed by a Mrs French of Tenterden which he entered as specimen 519 in his Humana MS catalogue [4].  He also apparently owned the Mary Davis portrait.  In a letter of August 1709 Sloane’s friend Dr Richard Middleton Massey wrote:

“I have been in Cheshire & Lancashire, where I think I have mett with a curiosity, tis an originall picture in oil paint of Mary Davis the Horned Woman of Saughall in Cheshire”

Sloane must have indicated an interest in the portrait to Massey, because in a follow up letter of October 1709 Massey wrote:

“I will send up ye picture the first opportunity if you please call upon Mr Dixon at the Greyhound in Cornhill”

This must be the portrait which now hangs in the Enlightenment Gallery.  Did Sloane also own Mary Davis’ horn, which also entered the British Museum but was subsequently lost?  I have found no evidence for this in the letters as yet!

The provenance of the British Museum’s painting of Davis has long been shrouded in mystery.  Its Collection Online entry states it could have come from either Dr Richard Mead or Sloane.  But I think these Sloane letters suggest that the painting was Sloane’s before it became the Museum’s.

 

[1] For further information, see Lorraine Daston and Katherine Park, Wonders and the order of nature 1150-1750 (New York: Zone Books, 2001).

[2] J. Morgan (ed.), Phoenix Britannicus: being a miscellaneous collection of scarce and curious tracts […] collected by J Morgan, Gent (London, 1732), 248-250.

[3] Jan Bondeson, ‘Everard Home, John Hunter and cutaneous horns: a historical review’, American Journal of Dermatopathology 23 (2001), 362-369.

[4] Natural History Museum, Sloane MS Catalogue of Fossils, 6 vols. Vol 1, f. 344r.