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Preparing for an Epidemic in the Eighteenth Century

Tonight BBC2 will be airing a show called Winter Viruses and How to Beat Them. The news was recently filled, of course, with reports on rapidly spreading epidemics of influenza and norovirus; medical historian Alun Withey even blogged about the contemporary and seventeenth-century fascination with the spread of disease. What intrigues me, however, is the actions people took to deal with their fear of disease.

In late May 1720, the plague entered Marseilles, the major trading port in South France, on ships coming in from Levant. The plague rapidly spready throughout the city in the next few months, disrupting commerce and daily life. The French government intervened with strict quarantine measures for both sick people and incoming ships.

Contemporary engraving of the Marseilles plague in 1720, the Quartier Belsunce. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

Meanwhile: back in England… South Sea stocks had been rising in an unrealistic way over the summer months, only to crash in September, resulting in bankrupt investors and panic spreading like an epidemic. Health suddenly became of national interest: protecting the teetering economy became of paramount importance. The fear? That the Marseilles plague might infect Britain via the trade routes.

The Lords Justices called in physician Richard Mead to consider how the plague might be prevented “for the Publick Safety” in 1720. That autumn, the Board of Trade and Plantations investigated methods of quarantine used elsewhere and recommended that Parliament bring in more border control and wider quarantine powers. But it was not until October 1721 that more decisive action was taken.

This time, Sir Hans Sloane, John Arbuthnot and Mead were summoned. In Sloane’s papers (British Library Sloane MS 4034), there are rough drafts of their advice for the Council on how to collect better information about contagious diseases from Bills of Mortality and how to set up barracks near London for quarantines. By December 1721, a Bill was passed that allowed the King to stop trade with infected countries, order fire on any potentially infected ship, establish a domestic military presence, quarantine towns, and remove the sick to lazarettos. The bill was widely criticised for being un-British and something that would only cause more fear. The French, critics argued, were more used to a standing army and harsh measures that limited people’s rights.

Even after the Bill was passed, complaints continued. Some of Sloane’s correspondents scolded him for allowing these “somewhat severe” recommendations.  ‘Belinda’ dramatically claimed that the country was “almost ruined by south sea” by a corrupt government, while “to complet the misery by the advice of Mead that scotch quack [Arbuthnot] wee are to be shutt up in pest houses garded by soldeirs and hired watchmen”. She begged that Sloane intervene: “it is commonly said that you Sr. was not for this barbarous act and I am very willing to… belive you were not haveing alwayes approved your self a person of great charity to thee poor”. The name ‘Belinda’ probably did not refer to a real woman, but was a pseudonym referencing Alexander Pope’s poem, “The Rape of the Lock”, in which Belinda appears as a satiric personification of Britain. Belinda’s letter, nonetheless, captures the fear that many people had about the Bill. The message was clear: the proposed cure for the nation was worse than the disease.

Little did Belinda know just how harsh the initial report by Mead, Arbuthnot and Sloane had been! In their rough draft, the doctors had actually recommended that searchers report any cases immediately to the Council of Health “on pain of death”, that medical practitioners and household heads face severe financial penalties for not alerting authorities, and that any Officers dealing with the plague wear special markings. These, at least, had not appeared in the Bill…

By February 1721/2, Parliament was forced to reconsider the Act and repealed the clauses about domestic measures. When the plague ended in 1722, the British government had not needed to invoke its new act. Sloane may have appeared to the concerned citizens as a possible ally because of his reputation of being charitable, but he also acted to represent and enforce state power.

Letter 0372

Samuel Dale to Hans Sloane – June 29, 1692


Item info

Date: June 29, 1692
Author: Samuel Dale
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4036
Folio: f. 130



Original Page



Transcription

Dale asks Smith to pass 6 botanical queries on to Sloane. Smith requests Sloane provide his answers ‘wth w’t convenient speed you can’. Samuel Dale was an apothecary, botanist, and physician who contributed several articles to the Philosophical Transactions. He was John Ray’s executor and good friend, and from Dale’s letters to Sloane we learn many details of Ray’s final moments (G. S. Boulger, Dale, Samuel (bap. 1659, d. 1739), rev. Juanita Burnby, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7016, accessed 5 July 2013]). Samuel Smith apprenticed to the book trade in 1675 and was indentured to the bookseller Samuel Gellibrand followed by Moses Pitt. Smith joined the Stationers Company and became freeman of the company and then freeman of the city of London in 1682. Smith published the Royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions from the beginning of his career and he and his partner Benjamin Walford were officially named ‘printers to the Royal Society’ in 1693 (Marja Smolenaars, Ann Veenhoff, Smith, Samuel (bap. 1658, d. 1707), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/63289, accessed 27 June 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 4400

Benjamin Holloway to Hans Sloane – November 17, 1731


Item info

Date: November 17, 1731
Author: Benjamin Holloway
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 42-43



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 42] Midleton-Stony Nov. 17. 1731 Honrd Sr I had the Favour of your Letter, and give you many Thanks for examining and compareing My Notes wth Dr Smith; I profess chiefly to follow Him ni the anatomical Part, but ni the Optical I think I have added other Proofs to His. I chose to trouble you with the Papers in your Hand, on the subject Matter of them, which is fetchd from ye depths of Nature; tho at ye same time go see less of my design in This than in any other Part of my Work; The 70 and other ancient versions herein varying little or Nothing from ye original, and therefore requiring no great Pains or skill to shew their reconcilement, for which there is occassion almost ev’ry where else in this Book. It is a great Pleasure to me yt my design has your Approbation: I think in ye way I have taken, to bring the Original. S.S. and their ancient version to Agreement, one may come to set forth a just Translation of the Bible, and put an end to a world of groundless disputes about ye Genuineness of ye Letter of the Hebrew on the one Hand, & of it’s first Translation the 70 on the other. wch in stead of being set at Eternal variance will hereby be made every where to illutrate and explain each other I did not think the whole of what I laid before you woud be proper to insert in the Transactions of the Society, but I conceive the Note on Chap. 12. of. 2. Upon Light. if yo approve of it, May. I give you Abundance of Thanks for your kind Intercession for me to the Council of the R.S. in Respect of my Payments, and am ready to submit it wholly to you, Whether I shall pay only to ye Time I sent to Dr Woodward to be dismissed the Society (wch believe was about two years after my Admission) […] whether I shall pay ye 10 Guineys, receive my Bond, & still be continu’d a Member: which, for the Honour I have to the Society, and Regard to your Friendship in this Affair, I rather incline to. and, if yo approve of ye same, in spring, when I think to come to Town, I will pay ye Money in Person. I beg yo will comunicate that specimen of my Notes to as many of your Friends of as you can think fit: and, when the Book is ready for the Press I will let yu know, hopeing your Recomendation will procure some subscribers, if, as my Friends generally persuade me, it shall appear advisable to publish it y self. I am, with the greatest Respect, Sr. Your Obedient and Obliged Humble Servant B. Holloway.

Benjamin Holloway (1690/91-1759) was a Church of England Clergyman and religious controversialist. He provided evidence to support the geological theories of John Woodward, which were published in the Philosophical Transaction. In 1723, with Sir Hans Sloane’s support, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Holloway published many books on religious topics (Scott Mandelbrote, Holloway, Benjamin (1690/911759), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13572, accessed 25 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Making Friends in Early Modern England: Sloane and the Willughbys

The narrative usually associated with Sloane’s early career is one of luck, key patrons, and opportunities. It goes something like this… In 1685, aged 25, Sloane finished his medical degree at the University of Orange and moved back to London. Robert Boyle, his friend, helped Sloane to obtain an apprenticeship with the famous Thomas Sydenham. Two years later, Sloane had another wonderful opportunity when he became personal physician to the Duke of Albemarle, the new Governor of Jamaica. He returned to London in 1689, after the Duke died, but had during his stay in Jamaica found a wealthy wife and started an extensive exotic botanical collection. From this point, his career was set.

But Sloane’s correspondence suggests that Sloane worked hard to build up his own social and patronage networks. What often gets left out of the grand narrative of immediate success is that Sloane remained a household physician for four years to the widowed Duchess of Albemarle (who remarried, becoming Duchess of Montagu). A comfortable position, perhaps, but one of dependence. It wasn’t until 1693 that Sloane became an independent man. He began his private medical practice and became second secretary for the Royal Society. He also started a friendship with the Willughby family. In early modern Europe, patronage and friendship were closely related—the word ‘friend’ could refer to either, or both. Sloane’s relationship with the Willughbys reveals his care in cultivating friendships.

The Willughbys were a gentry family known for their naturalist interests. Francis Willughby (d. 1672) had been an active Royal Society member and his children Thomas and Cassandra also took an interest in natural history. Miss Willughby oversaw her brother’s gardens and catalogued her father’s library. They also had a connection with a close friend of Sloane’s, John Ray. Francis Willughby was Ray’s patron, giving him employment as household chaplain and tutor to the children and leaving him a generous annuity to continue his scholarship full time. Making friends with such a family could only help Sloane’s career.

Cassandra Willughby married widower James Brydges, Duke of Chandos in 1713. Sloane advised the Duke, who was involved in the Royal African Company, on botanical matters and slave inoculation. (Chandos family portrait by Kneller, 1713. Source: National Gallery of Canada, Wikimedia Commons. )

Sloane wrote the first letter to Miss Willughby on behalf of the Duke of Montagu in November. Lord Montagu enquired after the family’s health, remembering their ‘greate favours to his sonne the last summer’ (BL Sl. MS 4066, f. 164). In a second letter, this time on his own behalf, Sloane presented two favours (BL Sl. MS 4068, ff. 13-14). He shared the news that he had successfully proposed Thomas Willughby for fellow of the Royal Society and enclosed a recipe for cashew sugar enjoyed by Miss Willughby at Montagu House.

These were offerings to potential friends, but also emphasised Sloane’s scientific connections and sociability. The Royal Society nomination was Sloane’s initiative, ‘Mr Thomas Willughby giving me leave to propose him’. Sloane promised that when Willughby came to London, ‘I will wait on him & carry him thither’, something that further marked Sloane out as a well-connected member of the Royal Society.  Introducing the new Fellow was not just a courtesy, but gave Sloane a chance to show his own extensive network.

The recipe for Miss Willughby was particularly meaningful, suggesting at its most basic that he had attentively noticed her food preferences. Recipe exchange was also a form of social currency. Bonds were strengthened through sharing secret knowledge and assuming future reciprocity. The recipe also featured cashews, an imported, high-status food that casually referenced Sloane’s and Miss Willughby’s shared interest in botany. Sloane would later provide the Willughbys with other favours; his early offer of service to the family established a long-lasting relationship.

Willughby’s family home, Wollaton Hall (Samuel Hieronymous Grimm, 1773). Source: British Library, Wikimedia Commons.

In return, the Willughbys often consulted Sloane on medical matters. The correspondence does not specify other ways in which the Willughbys reciprocated, but there are hints. When Willughby thanked Sloane for his help in finding a house to rent, Willughby complained that he had not been able to come to London and instead hoped that he ‘could tempt [Sloane]’ to visit him in Nottinghamshire soon BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 13). The invitation was a return of Sloane’s help and indicated a genuine interest in seeing a friend.

Sloane also used his position with the family to request favours on behalf of John Ray’s family.  At Ray’s death in 1705, for example, his widow Margaret told Sloane that the family had been left with £40 annually. She appealed to Sloane to ask Willughby for half a year’s salary that would cover the costs from Ray’s illness and funeral. Willughby was indeed ‘very sorry Mr Ray has left his family in so ill a condition’ and given Ray’s reputation and service, was ‘willing to doe what you ask of me if there is reasonable occasion in charity to the widow to doe it’ (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 24). Willughby provided other support to the family, sending £20 to Sloane for them and discussing a Ray monument (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 22).

Sloane’s assistance must have been effective. Margaret Ray thanked Sloane in 1706, sending her gratitude to Willughby. In this case, Sloane tapped into his other friendships to help the Rays.  The Willughbys were Ray’s patrons, with Thomas Willughby paying £12 more annually than his father’s will specified (BL Sl. MS 4062, f. 24), but Mrs Ray did not feel able to approach them directly.  Sloane, however, was in a good position to help, being Willughby’s friend and social equal.

When Sloane met the Willughbys, he was at a transitional point in his career. He was starting to be able to use his newfound status to expand his circle of friends and potential sources of patronage. By the early eighteenth century, Sloane had developed extensive scientific, medical and collecting networks through which he could obtain, give and negotiate favours. Sloane’s success was not just a matter of luck and important patrons, but was closely tied to his efforts in building relationships and exchanging favours, just as he’d done with the Willughbys. The idea of winning friends and influencing people as a career strategy is not just a twentieth-century concept…

And Sloane was very, very good at it.

A longer version of this case is discussed in my soon-to-be-out chapter, “Friend and Physician to the Family” in From Books to Bezoars: Sir Hans Sloane and His Collections, eds. M. Hunter, A. Walker and A. MacDonald (University of Chicago Press, 2012).

 

 

Letter 1077

William Derham to Hans Sloane – August 30, 1706


Item info

Date: August 30, 1706
Author: William Derham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4040
Folio: ff. 212-213



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 213] Dear Sr Upminster Aug 39 1706 I intended to have waited on you the other day at Pontacks, but could not finish some business time enough that lay in my way, so as to get to you before you were gone thence. I read yours since yt, & will take speedy care to put your repairs at Orset in a way of dispatch, either by sending over the Bearer of this Lr my man (who is not known to Culverwell) to view the Repairsl or I would rather advise you to give me order to send some Carpenter over to view them, wch will cost you not above 3d for the mans days of work & Horse. Or, wch will be best of all, to come your self, & both see your Purchase, & give ex & wt state the Trees, Lands & Houses are in, & according- ly give your orders. Twill be but a days pleasant journey, & tis now admirable travelling. If you will appoint me any day next week, or wn else you please, I will be ready to wait on you. If you had rather I should find my Man, or some Carpenter, be pleased to write me, by this Messenger, a few wors to Culverwell for the Man to carry with him to let him know That he comes by your order, & to order him what Rafters he should provide, & what else you think fit. I beg the favour of your advice for my Wife, who about 8 days since unhappily went along with me to visit a sick person whose distemper proved to be the small pox, of wch she died. The Small Pox did not at all appear when my wife was with her, but the next day they came out, & soon after she died, wth purple spots on her, wch hath put my poor wife into a great consternation. Last night my wife had a violent pain about the Vertebrae of the Loins, wch hath increased her fears & mine too. But I am apt to hope yt these pains arose from a bad nights rest because they are much abated at my present writing. She hath also somewhat of a sore throat, & pain in her Head, wch pain in her head is her usual distemper, & doubtless muil [?] owing to want of rest. I desire your directions what she had best to do by way of preven- tion, or in case any symptoms of the Small Pox shouls farther arise wch will be a great addition to the many favours we have alrea- dy recd from you. My humble service to yr Lady. I am Sr Your much obliged & humble servant Wm Derham The affair of the Society if I should be remiss in, I should think I neglected a duty incumbent on me. I have 2 or 3 things all most ready for you, wch if you come you shall see the rough-draughts of & I hope they will not be unacceptable to you or to the Society. I beg the favour of you to lend me Childreys Baconica

Derham was a Church of England clergyman and a natural philosopher, interested in nature, mathematics, and philosophy. He frequently requested medical advice from Sloane, and likely served as a physician to his family and parishioners (Marja Smolenaars, “Derham, William (1657-1735)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Anna Derham
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Anna commonly had headaches and may not contribute to the diagnosis.

  • Diagnosis

    Symptoms of smallpox after having visited a smallpox patient who died 8 days ago; violent pains in the vertebrae around her loins; sore throat; headaches.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Throat, Smallpox, Pain, Headache

Letter 1310

Henry Compton, Bishop of London to Hans Sloane – May 1, 1713


Item info

Date: May 1, 1713
Author: Henry Compton, Bishop of London
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4043
Folio: f. 148



Original Page



Transcription

Compton informs Sloane that ‘things of this nature must be carryed on the right way’. He must contact the Secretary of War Sir William Wyndham, 3rd Baronet. Thomas Compton (1631/2-1713) was the Bishop of London and a fierce anti-Catholic (Andrew M. Coleby, Compton, Henry (1631/21713), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6032, accessed 16 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Sir Thomas Hales

Thomas Hales (b. 24 February 1666 d. 07 January 1748) was the 2nd Baronet of Beakesbourne in Kent  and oldest brother of clergyman and natural philosopher Stephen Hales F. R. S. .  He is descended from John Hales, who was a baron of the exchequer under Henry VIII and his grandfather Sir Robert hales was knighted during the restoration. Thomas was responsible for his older siblings after the death of his parents in 1687 and 1692 and saw himself as having to make his own way in life. He married Mary Pym in 1688, the granddaughter of radical parliamentarian leader John Pym. He is mentioned in letter 4523 from Stephen Hales to Sloane as being ‘now very well’.

References:

Stuart Handley, ‘HALES, Sir Thomas, 2nd Bt. (1666 – 1748), of Howletts, Bekesbourne, nr. Cantebury, Kent’, (2002), <http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1690-1715/member/hales-sir-thomas-1666-1748>. The History of Parliament, <http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/>, [accessed 13 March 2019].

D. G. C. Allan, ‘Hales, Stephen (1677 – 1761)’, (23 Sept. 2004), <http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.serlib0.essex.ac.uk/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-11915?rskey=YPaWfk&result=17>. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, <http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.serlib0.essex.ac.uk/> , [accessed 13 March 2019].

Stephen Hales to Hans Sloane, 1732-07-32, Sloane MS 4052, ff. 147-148, British Library, London.



Dates: to

Occupation: Unknown

Relationship to Sloane: Virtual International Authority File:

Letter 1173

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – November 15, 1707


Item info

Date: November 15, 1707
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4041
Folio: f. 66



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 66] Dear Sr. yrs of ye 26. June last did not arrive here till 26 octr. yr kind present of books I had by ye mermaid bound for Legorn & this place in Augst last for wch I return you a thous’d thanks. I have Pera Plumiers treatise of ferns & only staid for yrs to enter them in my Pinax wch I am now about. I don’t render you were puzled wth Dr. Plukenets specimens; he seems to me to have been resolv’d to insert in his works all ye names of plants, he any where met wth, at least I beleive he would not have faisted in several out of books I lent him, but to let ye word see he had read them I am glad his collections are like to remain, if his plants may be set in a truer light. had I staid in Engld one year longer, I beleive I had had ye seeing of them, being very great wth him & having a promise of it from him when we were so near neighbours, wch wou’d have sav’d me a great deal of trouble, & of comitting a great many mistakes. I am sorry for Capt. Dampiers loss; I was in hopes of seeing speedily an acct. of his voyage wch woud have been very diverting & instructive. since you are pleased to mention ye duplicates of yr Jamaica plants as well as Meril’d wch you design me, I desire they may be deliverd to my Brother in order to be sent me by first convoy, for wth out one I will not venture them. if you will oblige me wth yr duplicates for Mr Cuningham (wch I find named in Dr. Plukenets Amalthoum) I’le indeavr to make some retaliation. The best sort of standing of imoveable Barometer (wch I suppose are made by Mr Partridg is what I desire. be pleased to send me also a hand glass for reading medalls, wch daily increase upon me, so yr I hope to make tho not a compleat, yet a large collection of wch many undescribed. I sent my Ld Pembroke seven silver ones of his catalogue by convoy inclosd to Mr Hill of ye Admiralty & since yet have ^found^ two mark wch shall be sent wth what Greek inscriptions I have, by first safe occasion; & then I shall presume to write his Ld ship again. I have order’d my Brother to pay you what you disburse for me & an yt acct for ye liberty of being so free wth you. be pleased to send me 2 of yr Catalogues in plures or bound, wch will save me ye time of copying it out. I want severall books wch I expect from Holland & else where, besides some of my own wch are not yet come over. I have writ to my brother to look them out if in case ^he cannot find them, to but them if he can meet them. such are Boccone dept-siulia 4to.H.R.Blos.moris.Botan.morspel.and Pereri d’Anguillara, Hortus Wingbury &c. by next convoy you shall have more specimens & some other curiosities of this country. my service to all friends, I am wthout reserve Dear Sr. yr most obliged humble servant WSherard Smirna Novr 15 1707

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, ‘Sherard, William (1659–1728)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 2714

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – 5 July 1722


Item info

Date: 5 July 1722
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 260-261



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 260] Worthy Sr I hope you have Received my last letter of May the 17th Sent in the Tavistock, Capt: Bright Comm ander Since that we have had two violent Shakes of the Earth, one Upon the 28th of May about 4 a Clock […] which Terifyed the People that they Run out of their Houses expecting their Houses to Come down: especially if Another came presently Upon it wch frequently doe, but it Pleased God we had no more of it until the Next Day the 29 about 5 in the after wch was very quick Short & Strong but neither of them Threw down any Houses, but I am Informed it Crackt & Damaged some On July the 17th D: wee had a very Strainge Eclipse of the moon as soon as She Appear’d above the Blew Mountain wch was about half an Hour after Six PM: (I Could not be Exact, to a Second, haveing no True Watch or Clock) the Lower Part of Her Appeared very Black, & the Higher She Rise to the Southward the Blacker She Grew mid East, Notherly Part of Her & about half an Hour after Eight She was […] than 15 Digits very Dark at the Same time our Sky was very bright but as the lower Part of Darkness Abated & Turning to a Blackesh Red Colour So the Upper & Southerly Parts Grew of a Dark Colour & by Nine She was All Over Soe, that wee Could but Just make out Her Globeall body but Soe Dark as People were forced to make use of Lanthornes in the Streets, Soon after, where She was first Dark She there began to Brighten & it was Past Ten before She Recoverd Her bright Splended Light wch Some thought was brighter than ever they saw Her: Soon after I Arrived Here I had Peece of a Grayesh mineral Earth, that smelt as if Perfumed: they Affirmed it Smelt Soe at the first takeing & I have kept it ever Since from any Aromaticks, to See if it Would loose its Sent but it Retains as Strong as ever to this very Day I am in hopes of Getting more of it, I must Also Inform your Honour, if Wonderfull Strainge Cures of […] Ring Worms Performed of late in this Island by an Earth that is brought from the South Part of America wch the Spaniards Calls Terra Maccameguia; that infallably Cures when Salivation & all Other Medecines & Methods Fail and without Sickness or Prejudice to the Persons Health the Way of useing of it is either Dissolving it in Water or Lime or Lemon Juice one ounce to a Pint is Sufficient I have Seen them take about half a Pint of Boiling Hot Lime Juice & Pour Upon an Ounce of the Earth Pulverized, & Cover it Close until its Cold: & then once or twice at most; Washing with it Infalably Cured the Most Invetarate Ring Worms: they Say it Cures all Cutaneous Distempers: the Spaniards Set Such A Value Upon it formerly that they Would not Sell any of it under 20 or 25 Pieces of Eight a Pound but as it comes to be more known & of more use it become Cheaper it is almost of the Colour of Terra Iapanica: & I Observed that when the Lime Juice was mixt with it it Caused no Fermentasion We Daily Discover Copper mines: & within this Month a Rich Lead mine is found Near Bull Bay, wch yields 3 parts in 4 but the owner of it Will not Shew the Place unless He hath 10 Shares Allowed Him: wch the Attornys are not Willing to Allow; and Indeed the Said Attorny does very unfair by me for they Will owe me a years Salary the first of the next month & I Cannot Get it of them, besides I have been out of Pocket, upon their account about Seventy Pounds I flatter my Self that it is no fault of the Patenters because I know they Writ Possatively for me to be Paid but what they do with the money I Cannot Tell Never undertakeing Would have Proved better had it been Managed as it Should be, but the Attornys do not meet in 4 or 5 Month time & do little when they meet half the Charge might be Saved with Good management & instead of Good miners they Sent over men of Different Trades that knows nothing of Mining & are Such a Parcell of Sottish Lazy Idle Fellows as Never was Seen together this is all at Present from your most Faithfull friend & servant to Command Henry Barham July 5th 1722

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 2688

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – May 16, 1698


Item info

Date: May 16, 1698
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4037
Folio: ff. 75-76



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 75] Sr. I did not think to have troubled you two papts together but reciving ye inclosed from Sig.re Spolati thought fit to jind it under this cover. I have sent from this place a small sale of books, wch I hope will be in Engld in less than three months; there are amongst them sevrall of yr Catalogue & some of Cap’t Hattons; you may be pleased to take what you like, as also of those sent from Hamburg, giving my Brother a note of them & dispose of ye rest as you think fit. there is descrithine di Malta di Franessco Ahela, wch I have long sought after; ‘twas sold in Holld in westrares awhin for 85 gidrs vendor As had one ye last time I pass’d that way, but soud not let me have it under go. I have found Bellunsasis de Linerniks, has too Cata to kind you’ll find Barthol Ambrosini Parmlipomensed Hist. Animaluiu Aldrovandi fol. Bonon 1657 wch wth ye other peice you have of Ovid manhalbances makes Aidrovandi open compleat. they are 2 peices I shall scarce find again I have bought severall small traits de Balmais & wch perhaps tho not in Catalogue, you may want to perfait yr collections. here are severall hundreds of med trifles, wch I believe are not so much mentioned in Catalogues; if you was hereft Alf you would find some to yr mind. if you please to send me a further note of what you want in Physick or Voyages [fol. 75v] in I talieu or Spamth, wn I come to Rome, I shall have more time to hunt after these as also here next Carnwvall. I think I sent you word this day scunight of Padre Fabiggi’s Prosopo-peice Botanicae in versa dedicated to Rivins. I have found you vaslingy Gyunasuin Patavinum ye Biblio Ilieiu Hyspanica Vetus An-tonis if in folio is my Ld Townshends, as also ye first vol. printed last agt 2 years since, if that be it you mean let me know & Ile buy you one at Rome, where they were printed. the Giornali de Litterati of Parma are se dear, that I have let them alone, in hopes to have them cheaper there, some other books also of Capt. Hattons Catalogue are here to be found, but I dare not meddle wth them. the Oroficaris of Callins is dear beinf brought up by ye Godsmiths, but for fear of not meeting it again I have sent it, if I meet wth another Ile not leave it behind. I shall send to Engld by a friend next week a curious parcel of seeds gathered in ye Levant wth their Arabick names, another from ye Morea & some from Syri, most of wch are growing here; my Brother will also receive a parcel sent by ye Prince of Cattolica, by a vessel from Legorn. I have bought P. Della Valla in 4lo in 4 tomas qt Ml Bataman had of me was but 3 ye 4lb is mentioned in ye the page of ye first & is printed tho perhaps not known in Egld. if you send me a Catalogue of some books scarce in Egld such as Ennuis cu notis Polumnd & twoud be worth while to look after them. I have sent 3 Galeria di Mineria, you’ll find some things in it not to be met elsewhere, it sels very well & will be continued [fol. 76] Be pleased to give my humble servoce to Sr. John Hoskins, wth ye following acct. to his three quines. 1.ye our last Books of ye 4th volume of seam mozzi were never printed, nor to be found amongst his papers. 2.Concerning ye chimneys at Venice, it woud be necessary to send a draught of one to explain it have, wch if desired Ile get done. they are all built round onye out side; at about a foot distance from ye top, are a row of bricks sett and ways, wth ^open^ spaces of a bricks thickness between them open to lett out ye smoke; above they are built as below ye holes, this is all concerns ye side. on ye out side is built a kind of a shell in shape of a large flower pot, wch seams to stand on ye tops of their chimneys. its (crossed out)^basis on a row of bricks, for that purpose, standing out of the chimney at ye distance of half a foot each, on these it rests as on its basis, betwixt them are so many spiracula for ye smoke; tis carried up half a foot or better above ye main body of ye chimney, narrow at bottom & wide a top ye reason of its being built higher then ye main body of the chimney is to defend ye loose pan-tiles, wch cover ye funnel of ye chimney from being carried away by ye wind. these tiles lie loose, & are constantly taken of, when they sweap their chimneys. by these ye gusts of wind (wch here they are much expos’d to) are broke, so yt they cannot drive ye smoke down ye chimney into their rooms, what it dos drive back, or rather, what it hinders from coming out at ye top, is finds a passage at ye holes of ye Basis of ye space also betwixt ye main body of ye chimney & ye (crossed out) shall, on wch they rest. 3.ye Currance wine is made of ye grapes wch on a third dry, wch makes it luscious & thick as well as strong. they putt no water to that they (ripped) whats drank in ye Iland is made of fresh grapes, & [fol. 76v] mixt with a certain proportion of water, as ye Garbo is here at Venice but for further information concerning this or other things at Zant, I referr him to my very good friend Mr Portine whom I met here in his road home, & by whom I send ye seeds above mentioned. you’ll find in ye Bale of books from Humb.t. Francisci Arisoti de oleo montis Zibinis hiber, put out by Dr Oligcus; Dr Ramazzini is publishing of it wth notes & observations you may expect it wth ye rest of his works (some of wch you had of me) by ye next occasion. Mr Ludolf, whom I suppose you know, is here looking after travellers yt have sent a voyage in folio of Congo matamba & Angola by father Giov Antonio Cavarra da Montacuccolo, printed at Bologna 1687. I don’t know whether you have seen it or no excuse this rhapsody & Ile trouble no more also some time I am Venice May 16th 1698 Sr Mr Cortine will lody at his linckle dan strangers yr very obliged Servant [folio ripped]

Sherard has sent a bale of books to England, which should be there in three months and includes several catalogues. He tells Sloane to take what he likes. The same goes for the books sent from Hamburg. Sherard asks Sloane to give his humble service to Sir John Hoskins, and to answers the latter’s questions concerning Venetian chimneys, wine, and the volumes of a certain book.

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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