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Letter 4198

Samuel Dale to Hans Sloane – July 30 1734


Item info

Date: July 30 1734
Author: Samuel Dale
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4053
Folio: f. 247



Original Page



Transcription

Dale writes about Sloane’s answers to his queries on materia medica things and he would like to ask a few further questions. He asks about two barks and would like Sloane to describe them to him so he can tell which is the kind he has. He also asks about a root Sloane has in his History of Jamaica and mentions some Italian earths that are a mystery to him. Samuel Dale was an apothecary, botanist, and physician who contributed several articles to the Philosophical Transactions. He was John Ray’s executor and good friend, and from Dale’s letters to Sloane we learn many details of Ray’s final moments (G. S. Boulger, Dale, Samuel (bap. 1659, d. 1739), rev. Juanita Burnby, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7016, accessed 5 July 2013]).




Patient Details

Doctor Sloane and His Patients in Eighteenth-Century England

In April, I received the good news that the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada had decided to fund my project ā€œReconstructing the Lives of Doctor Sloane and His Patients in Eighteenth-Century Englandā€ for three years.This may have resulted in an impromptu dance around the room, but fortunately the walls wonā€™t talk…

The dance of death. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The dance of death. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

This is in many ways a project born of snoopiness. I have always loved to read about the mucky details of daily life, and the letters written to Sloane offer much by way of gore, suffering and family quarrels. But one thing has always frustrated me in my research: the size of Sloaneā€™s correspondence (upwards of forty volumes, depending on what is counted). So many letters, so many stories, so often hard to find!

The goal of this phase of the project is to complete the database, Sir Hans Sloaneā€™s Correspondence Online, and to produce a series of microhistories about Sloane and his patients. While the collection remains indexed only by author (as it largely is still), it is difficult to navigate. The purpose of my database is to make it possible to search Sloaneā€™s correspondence for details, such as people mentioned, social occasions, or specific illnesses. The database also makes it easier to find all references to a patient, whether made by a medical practitioner, friend or parent. This is when, to my way of thinking, things start to get really interesting.

The family records of the Newdigates, for example, show that Sloane treated several members of the family. Elizabeth Newdigateā€™s letters to Sloane reveal a troubled young woman, beset by family strife that included two siblings with insanity, a lawsuit by the eldest son, and the daughtersā€™ mysterious suit before Parliament (which was dropped) for their fatherā€™s ā€œunnatural actsā€. Reading the family references in Sloaneā€™s letters alongside the Newdigate papers will be useful in uncovering the familyā€™s dysfunction and the wider context of Elizabeth Newdigateā€™s illness letters. Gender, age and status all played key roles in the disputes. By reading cases like these alongside available family archives, I can use the medical letters as a point of entry into understanding the moments of illness within the wider context of patientsā€™ and familiesā€™ lives.

The database can also be used to trace relationships. Consider, for example, Sloaneā€™s relationship with the Duchess of Albemarle.Ā  Although Sloane went to Jamaica with the Duke of Albemarle, he remained the Duchessā€™ household physician when he returned to London and even after the Duchess remarried the Duke of Montagu. The Pierreponts were the Duchessā€™ birth family, while the Cadogans were related to the Duke of Montagu: both families were regular patients of Sloaneā€™s. In 1719, Sloaneā€™s daughter even married into the Cadogan family. The letters from this group of related families provide insight into the workings of patronage, kinship, and Sloaneā€™s career, as much as their collective health.

Sloane himself is a fascinating subject of study. There are only a handful of letters about Sloaneā€™s family and business in the correspondence, but there are also many small bits of scattered information: what he prescribed, othersā€™ attitudes toward him, references to his opinions, details about property management, clues to his family and social lifeā€¦ Ā His family life, too, was important for his career. He married Elizabeth Rose (nĆ©e Langley), who was from a well-to-do London family and a widow of a wealthy Jamaican landowner; her wealth aided his ability to maintain the appearance of a gentleman (important in attracting wealthy clients) and to collect objects from around the world (which reinforced the image of him as a man of science). At the height of his career, Sloane was President of the Royal College of Physicians, President of the Royal Society and a royal physicianā€”a man very much at the centre of the medical and scientific community, with opportunity to influence the health of the nation.

Case histories such as these will allow me to examine the way in which social and political networks, state-building and power structures were reinforced in the everday life of the early modern household.

And, of course, maximise my snoopiness.

Letter 2841

Ralph Thoresby to Hans Sloane – June 5, 1722


Item info

Date: June 5, 1722
Author: Ralph Thoresby
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 247-248



Original Page



Transcription

Thoresby describes a rain storm in Ripponden. Mr Tanley informed Thoresby that a great inundation took place and many people drowned: ‘Fifteen parsons were drowned of whom Jonas Longbothom & his servant are not yet found’. Buildings and homes were damaged and people are missing. Ripponden Chapel was ‘took down’ by the torrent. There was also a storm in Leeds, though not as devastating as that at Ripponden. Lady Betty Hastings has pledged ‘a Thousand pounds towards the erecting of a new Church in this populous town’. £5000 pounds have been raised to rebuild the parish. Thoresby tells Sloane that the translation of a particular Greek phrase was ‘Wel-Worship’ rather than ‘Wil-Worship’. Thoresby was an antiquary and topographer. He expanded his father’s Musaeum Thoresbyanum impressively, and his collection brought him into discussion with many important political and scholarly figures (P. E. Kell, “Thoresby, Ralph (1658-1725)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2006 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/27334, accessed 3 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 4189

William King to Hans Sloane – November 27, 1727


Item info

Date: November 27, 1727
Author: William King
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4049
Folio: ff. 66-67



Original Page



Transcription

Fol. 66r

Dublin Novr 27 1727

Sr

I shouā€™d sooner have acknowledged the favour of your
very instructive letter of the 10th of Octr last, but was
unwilling to give you the trouble till I found a convey=
ance for the picture, which you to me the honour to accept,
I send it now by long sea to London, and with this the Bill
of Lading yt you many know where to send for it. I
cannot engage for the good performance of the painter,
but assure you it is by the best I couā€™d get here. I
heartily with I couā€™d have presented you with some
thing of greater value, yt might have bin a testimony
of the great honour and esteem I have for your
worth and knowledge, and for your applying it, as
I see you do, for the benefit of Mankind, which in
my opinion is the true use of all sciences.

When I was at Londonderry, I applyā€™d my self
to planting and Gardening & made some ^progress^ but since
I came to Dublin, I have had neither conveniences
nor leisure to prosecute my inclinations yt way.
Tho I can not lay aside the study of Nature and the history
thereof, and have furnished my self with a good quan=
tity of books on those subjects, amongst which I find
few equal to yours, I have endeavoured to ^press^ my friends
on the study of the Natural History of Ireland, which
affords many curiosities equal to most Islands, but
couā€™d never prevail with ym to apply ymselves
yt way, the straitness of mens fortunes, yt vouchsafe
to live at home and the universal power by &

Fol. 66v

Sloane MS 4049, f. 66v

extreme indulgence of the inhabitants make ym look no far=
ther yn the necessarys of life. All men of considerable estates
chusing to live any where rather yn at home and all places
in church and state being generally filled with strangers
who either act by deputys or spend yr time whilst here
in amassing what mony they can to spend elsewhere;

I find strangers, who visit other countrey than
their own, commonly are more inquisitive and give
better accounts of curiosities yn the Natives. In my
opinion Kempfer [Englebert Kaempfer] has given account of several things
in his travels which we shouā€™d never have had from
the Natives, particularly of the parfron [?] Mummy , of Camphire
dragon Blood, Assa faetida, Bezoar, Tea, the palm tree,
the Tartarian lamb, the Bannian mloxic^at^iny drugge,
the state and Herbal of Japan, with many other
new and remarkable matters, I wish he had obtained
a better graver and bin Master of a better style
I think considering the extent ^of^ your travels, yt you
have much outdone him, I only couā€™d desire yt you
had presented your Method to ^which^you often refere
with ye book, I have it, but ^it^ is not always at Hand.

I do not despair of ^our^ sometimes getting Cyna=
mon, Nutmegs, Tea and coffee with pepper &
cloves, but yn they ought to be transplanted to
a proper soil, which surely, ^may^ be found in Carolina,
Jamaica, Barbados or some of those hot Isles.

I am afraid all this may appear exceddingly im=
pertinent to ^you^ and shouā€™d be extremely concerned
if it should detain you one hour from
those very usefull and most Charitable

Fol. 67r

Sloane MS 4049, f. 67r

affairs in which I find you ^are^ engaged & continually
employed, I only adde my most hearty prayers yt
God ^would^ be pleased to protect and preserve your, till you
be able to see all your good designs for the publick
brought to perfection, which shall be the continual
petition to God of

Sr
Your Most Humble
and obliged sert
Pritt. Dublin
[William King, Archbishop of Dublin]

Sloane MS 4049, f. 67v

King received Sloane’s ‘very instructive letter’. He had to find a way to convey the painting and sends ‘it now by long sea to London, and with this the Bill of Lading’. When King was in Londonderry he did some gardening. He discusses books, natural history, and curiosity specimens. These include a Mummy, dragon’s blood, Bezoar, tea, a palm tree, cinnamon, coffee, pepper, cloves, drugs, and an ‘Herbal of Japan’. Some of the specimens were from Carolina, Jamaica, and Barbados.

William King was a Church of Ireland clergyman and Archbishop of Dublin. He is considered to be the most important figure within the Church of Ireland of his time. King wrote trenchant critiques of other branches of Christianity as well as theological works (S. J. Connolly, King, William (16501729), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/15605, accessed 13 Aug 2013]).




Patient Details

Eighteenth-Century Ear Worms

In 1702, Mr. Hare, the Vicar of Cardington in Bedfordshire, wrote to Sloane with a ā€œmatter of factā€: a case of ear worms. Gory it may be, but this tale tells us much about domestic medical practices and popular scientific interests!

Hare reported that a young manā€”who lodged in the same house as himā€”had been suffering from some running humour and pain in his right ear, which heā€™d tried to treat with clean wool and honey. After several days, a maid in the house examined the lodgerā€™s ear when she noticed it was bleeding. She ā€œsaw something working in his Ear like maggotsā€ and promptly sent for a neighbouring woman to help. The neighbourā€™s remedy: an application of the steam of warm milk.

Hare took a look at the ear later that day, describing the worms inside as ā€œlarge maggots in shape & Colour like those that commonly breed in putrefied flesh.ā€ He began to pick out ā€œa great number of Insectsā€, counting twenty-four. Although there were more worms in the ear, Hare could not extract them; they had burrowed in too deep during the operation. Instead, he left the patient ā€œfor about an hour in which time he was very uneasy & full of painā€, with a ā€œthick bloody matterā€ in the ear. Fortunately, the remaining worms had started to work their way out and Hare ā€œpickd out nine moreā€ during a second attempt. The patient ā€œfound himself more at ease upon which we concluded that there were no more.ā€ By the following day the young man had entirely recovered.

Illustrations from the English translation of Nicolas Andry’s An Account of the Breeding of Worms in Human Bodies, London, 1701 (Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Hare provided several details about domestic medical practices. The young man started off with self-treatment. A maid in the house examined his ear. A neighbouring woman and a clergyman (Hare) administered further treatments. This was typical of the process of seeking medical advice. Physicians and surgeons were seldom the first point of medical assistanceā€”and some problems might be sorted out before their help was even necessary.

We also have some clues as to what sorts of treatments they tried. The honey and cotton wool would have been readily available and were the sort of basic application that one might try to treat an ear problem. According to the Countess of Kentā€™s A Choice Manual (1687), various types of simple applications for inflammations or injuries included honey. The milk steam also makes sense. In popular thought, milk was thought to draw worms out. But there were various ways this might be administered. In An Account of the Breeding of Worms in Human BodiesĀ (1701), for example, Nicolas Andry referred to injecting warm womenā€™s milk into the ear.

The timing of the letter suggests that the observation was offered in response to Nicolas Andryā€™s treatise, which had been published in English only the year before. Andry identified the different types of bodily worms, which he attributed to eggs hatching inside the body. In the human head, for example, worms might occur in the brain, nose, eyes, teeth, or ears. An Account detailed Andryā€™s experiments with a microscope as he explored the inner world of the human body and its many wormsā€”including spermatozoa. Hare called his letter as a ā€œmatter of factā€ (eyewitness testimony about an observation), but it was of limited scientific value and never appeared in the Philosophical Transactions. His keenness to share his account about a timely subject, however, suggests a man who was deeply interested in science and medicine.

And the account itself reveals a man who had a very steady handā€¦

Looking to the Edge, or Networking Early Modern Women

Itā€™s a funny thing, really, that after several decades of womenā€™s history in the academic world, historians should still need to be told how to go about finding women. ā€˜Look to the edgesā€™, exhorted Amanda Herbert in her keynote address for ā€˜Networking Early Modern Womenā€™. This was no less than a call to arms, especially amidst the #femfog (in which a prominent medieval historian claimed that feminists intimidate and victimize men, obscuring manly good sense in a feminist fog).[1]

V0007640ETR Angels, demons and representations of flesh and the devil cr Credit: Wellcome Library, London. Wellcome Images images@wellcome.ac.uk http://wellcomeimages.org Angels, demons and representations of flesh and the devil crowd around a stool upon which the different elements that make up a human burn and smoke; representing a test of faith. Etching by C. Murer after himself, c. 1600-1614. 1622 By: Christoph MurerPublished: 1622 Copyrighted work available under Creative Commons Attribution only licence CC BY 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

The origins of #femfog? C. Murer, c. 1600-1614. Image Credit: Wellcome Images, London.

The goal of the add-a-thon, hosted by the great Six Degrees of Francis Bacon project, was to add more women into the databaseā€™s networks. And the Sloane Letters team[2] was (virtually) there! As Hillary Nunn noted in a review of Six Degrees, there were initially few women in the database, in large part because the project drew heavily on the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography when identifying networks.

Elizabeth Monck (nƩe Cavendish), Duchess of Albemarle, after Unknown artist etching and line engraving, late 18th to early 19th century NPG D30497 Image Credit: National Portrait Gallery, London. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/

Elizabeth Monck (nƩe Cavendish), Duchess of Albemarle, after Unknown artist. Image Credit: NPG D30497, National Portrait Gallery, London. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/

From a Sloane perspective, the Six Degrees database also lacked any of the women in Sloaneā€™s networks–even though much of Sloaneā€™s early patronage came from women. For example, Sloane was the Duchess of Albemarleā€™s household physician for several years after returning from Jamaica. The Duchess later married the Duke of Montagu, and Sloane was consulted by the extended Montagu family.

Sloane also corresponded with women about a range of subjects beyond medical treatment. Widows like Margaret Ray, Margaret Flamsteed, and Anna Hermann consulted him about bookselling and publishing. Some women, such as the Duchess of Bedford and the Lady Sondes, asked for advice about family matters. Other female correspondents shared an interest in natural philosophy; Cecilia Garrard, for instance, sent him specimens and the Duchess of Beaufort discussed botany (and, at her death in 1715, bequeathed him her herbarium). All of this I know through long familiarity with Sloaneā€™s correspondence.

But what does the picture of womenā€™s networks look like if we take a step back from individual letters to examine the cumulative data in the Sloane Letters database?

To prepare for the Six Degrees add-a-thon, research assistant Edward Devane extracted all of the Sloane Letters references to women who were born before 1699–the cut-off date for inclusion in the Six Degrees database. I also asked him to create a shortlist of women who had clearly strong connections with Sloane: women who appeared frequently, referred to social contact, or wrote several letters. There were 339 female individuals on the long list who were mentioned in the letters at least once. But for the shortlist? A mere twenty-seven women.

Look to the edge, indeed!

The group of strongly connected women picked up several crucial relationships, such as Sloaneā€™s friendship with Lady Sondes; his old family connection to Anne Hamilton (dowager Countess of Clanbrassil); and his assistance of Margaret Ray, widow of Sloaneā€™s good friend John Ray.

But the most important connections in Sloaneā€™s life were only to be found in the margins. This was quite literally the case for his family relationships (wife and daughters) who appear in postscripts, along the lines of: ā€˜My humble service to your Lady and daughtersā€™. There are also occasional references to his other female family membersā€”mother, nurse, sisters, auntsā€¦ As for the Duchess of Albemarle, she was mentioned only a few times in a handful of letters from Peter Barwick.

Of course, it is not surprising that people whom Sloane saw frequently do not appear in the letters, but their absence obscures the social, family and patronage networks that would have been important to Sloaneā€™s daily life. Although the women remain hidden as strong connections when extracting basic data, the Sloane Letters database can still be searched by name or relationship, which makes it easier to sift through the masses of correspondence to find scattered references to his family networks.

Image Credit: University of Cambridge Digital Library.

Image Credit: University of Cambridge Digital Library.

Then there are the female correspondents who didnā€™t even appear in the list at all because they signed their names using initials. Take, for example, J. Squire who wrote to Sloane in 1731. There is nothing in the letter that explicitly suggests that J. Squire was a woman. However, the linkage of the three namesā€”Squire, Abrahm de Moivre and Sloane is telling. Jane Squire had a proposal to determine longitude, which attracted the interest of De Moivre and Sloane. How many other women are to be found lurking behind initials in the correspondence?

What we mean when we talk about networks might also need to be broadened when we look to the edge. Do we just trace important people with wide networks? Do we just trace those whose biographies can be verified? Just how inclusive should we be?

A family group of a woman and four children flanked on either side by figures of children. Engraving by Aug. Desnoyers after himself after Raphael. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A family group of a woman and four children flanked on either side by figures of children. Engraving by Aug. Desnoyers after himself after Raphael. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Sloaneā€™s loose connections present a number of women who saw Sloane as a part of their network, even if the women did not play a meaningful role in his life. Mrs. E. Martin wrote to Sloane in 1725 and 1726 asking for his help in a person situation. Her lover, Mr. Knight, had abandoned her and their children to marry another woman. By 1726, the situation was worse: Mr. Knight had her confined, removed her child, and frozen his payments to her. Mrs. Martin noted that Sloane had once treated her. This was typical; there were several one-off letters from former patients asking for assistance, presumably because Sloane was one of the most important people they knew.

However, the names that Mrs. Martin dropped in the letters also suggest that she thought Sloane might have personal influence: Mr. Knight, Mr. Isted, and Mr. Meure. Isted was Sloaneā€™s son-in-law, while Knight and Meure were friends of Isted and Sloane. Perhaps these other connections were a little too close, because Sloane dismissed her altogether:

I rec’d yors & am in no manner of condition either to advise or relieve you being perfectly a stranger to what you write & not in a possible way of helping you, being full of affairs in my own profession that I have neither time nor abilities to be assisting to you.

Mrs. Martin was, indeed, a woman found at the edgeā€”of survival and social networks.

At first glance, looking at the list of letter-writers, women hardly factor in Sloane’s correspondence. There were women who wrote directly to Sloane, but most women appear only as subjects, mentioned by medical practitioners, family members or friends (their, er, networks?). One of the reasons that I developed the Sloane Letters database was to make those hidden women more findable; if we describe the letters beyond authorship, women’s stories and networks suddenly become visible.

And it is only by looking to the edges in the first place that the outlines of early modern women’s networks emerge, revealing how women were at the centre all along.

[1] David Perry has a good summary on #femfog and links to other criticisms here: http://www.thismess.net/2016/01/grab-your-balls-and-problem-with-blind.html

[2] The team included my University of Essex research assistants (Edward Devane and Evie Smith) and me.

Public and Private Gardens in the Eighteenth Century

By Chelsea Clark

Sloane was unique in his collecting habits and connections to gardens. He was passionate about obtainingĀ plant specimens and discovering their various medical uses, however, appeared to be less interested in being personally involved in gardening. This is apparent when comparing his practices to those of his friend and colleague, Richard Richardson.

Despite the growing popularity of private gardens in England, Sloane did not have a garden of his own. His method of collecting botanical specimens was to dry them and press them in books, or keep them asĀ seeds. Many of his letter correspondents cultivated gardens of their own and experimented with acclimatizing foreign specimens to English soil. Why did Sloane assist the Chelsea Garden at its time of crisis (mentioned in first post) if he was not trying to gain access to a garden of live specimens? How did his apparent abstinence from gardening connect withĀ his support of the Chelsea Garden for the advancement of pubic botanical knowledge?

SloaneĀ valued the plant knowledge that could be obtained from the garden knowing that itĀ would indirectly aid him in his own pursuits as well as the greater scientific community. The published catalogue of the first transfer of fifty specimens (Philosophical Transactions, 1722) stated that Sloaneā€™s motivation was to ā€œencourage and promote an Undertaking so serviceable to the Publick.ā€

Curiously, there were no records of letter communication fromĀ Phillip Miller, the botanist placed in charge of the Chelsea Garden, to Sloane in regards to the Chelsea Garden. It seems most likely that the lack of correspondence reflects Sloaneā€™s close proximity to the garden and opportunities to see Miller in person. (Though, arguably, it might also suggest that Sloane was disconnected from the garden.)

The Physic Garden, Chelsea: men botanizing in the garden. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The Physic Garden, Chelsea: men botanizing in the garden. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

RichardĀ Richardson, maintained a garden of his own at his home in North Bierley. His private garden earned a reputation as the best in North England and housedĀ both native and foreign plants, including a hot house for growing exotic fruits. Richardson collected forĀ his garden himself on explorations as well asĀ obtained specimensĀ throughĀ his associations with other private and public gardens. From his letters to Sloane, Richardson appears passionate about exotic specimens, whether it was acclimatizing them to English conditions or fabricating greenhouses to mimic their native growing conditions. This was a much different approach to specimens than Sloane’s.

Richardson mentioned his garden in North Bierley several times to Sloane. ItĀ contained botanicals that even the Apothecariesā€™ Chelsea Physic Garden lacked. Richardson obtained plants for his personal garden from public gardens, such as the Edinburgh Physic Garden. This exchange of plants between private and professional gardens is an interesting feature of English gardens.

These private collectors were also part of an exchange network with Dutch and French professional gardens. One reason was that the men who were collecting, like Richardson, had the wealth and leisure to maintain a garden and were associated with scientific societies like the Royal Society of London. Their collection of botanicals was not just for aesthetic reasons or to display their status, but their scientific functions gave collectors the authority and expertise to trade with the professional gardens of physicians and apothecaries.

In a letter to Sloane dated 13 November 1725, Richardson mentioned an ā€œunfortunate accidentā€ that occurred to some ā€œscotch plantsā€ from the Physic Garden at Edinburgh which he ā€œproposed to have brought back ā€¦ for my garden.ā€ In addition to collecting from other gardens to fill his own, Richardson mentioned also wanting to make his collecting habits useful to others by collecting plants from northern England for the Chelsea Physic Garden and Mr. Miller.Ā Unfortunately, he ran into some difficulties in creating such a relationship with Miller. On 8 April 1727, Richardson wrote about exchanging mosses with Miller for some seeds. On 19 November 1728, Richardson mentioned receiving a list of desired plants from Miller and had been collecting what was still in season from his garden to send to Chelsea.

Richardson’s attempt at a reciprocal relationship of exchange from his garden to the Chelsea public garden soon fell apart. By 16 March 1729, Richardson had stopped receiving letters from Miller. Even after a visit to Chelsea in the summer, during which Miller promised he would send Richardson a letter detailing which plants the garden was lacking, Richardson wrote to Sloane on 3 November 1729 that he had not received a letter of this sort. For some reason, unknown to Richardson, their amicable exchange ceased. (For more on relationship etiquette see this post regardingĀ Abbe Bignon and Sloane).

Richardson sought outĀ associationsĀ with other gardens, and he demonstrated greatĀ attachment to and took great care with his own garden. It is likely that Sloane received dried plant specimens or seeds from Richardsonā€™s personal garden that had originally come from Miller at the Chelsea Garden, given that he was recieving other dried specimens from Richardson. Other than that,Ā Sloaneā€™s involvement in the Chelsea garden appears to have been kept separate from his desire to collect and classify, stemming instead from his desire to expand the public’sĀ botanical knowledge and to ensure supplies of medical specimens.

 

Letter 3710

Thomas Townsend to Hans Sloane – January 7, 1729/30


Item info

Date: January 7, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Townsend
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: f. 260



Original Page



Transcription




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Nicholas Harris
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Nicholas Harris sent Townsend 'a paper of eight queries' to pass on to Sloane. Harris is one of Sloane's patients. He asked Ann Townsend these questions, but she was unable to give adequate answers.

  • Diagnosis

    Harris is 'indisposed in his eyes'.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Eyes, Eyes, Swelling

Letter 3708

Thomas Townsend to Hans Sloane – January 7, 1729/30


Item info

Date: January 7, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Townsend
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: f. 260



Original Page



Transcription




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Thomas Townsend
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Nicholas Harris sent Townsend 'a paper of eight queries' to pass on to Sloane. Harris is one of Sloane's patients. He asked Ann Townsend these questions, but she was unable to give adequate answers.

  • Diagnosis

    Harris is 'indisposed in his eyes'.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Eyes, Eyes, Swelling

Letter 3707

Thomas Townsend to Hans Sloane – January 7, 1729/30


Item info

Date: January 7, 1729/30
Author: Thomas Townsend
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: f. 260



Original Page



Transcription




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Ann Townsend
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description

    Nicholas Harris sent Townsend 'a paper of eight queries' to pass on to Sloane. Harris is one of Sloane's patients. He asked Ann Townsend these questions, but she was unable to give adequate answers.

  • Diagnosis

    Harris is 'indisposed in his eyes'.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:
    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Eyes, Eyes, Swelling