Search Results for: AZ-700-German Probesfragen đŸŽ” AZ-700-German Online PraxisprĂŒfung 😍 AZ-700-German Tests 🆘 Suchen Sie einfach auf ▷ www.itzert.com ◁ nach kostenloser Download von [ AZ-700-German ] 😏AZ-700-German Ausbildungsressourcen

Letter 4281

Thomas Harward to Hans Sloane – June 16, 1731


Item info

Date: June 16, 1731
Author: Thomas Harward
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: ff. 255-256



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 255] Boston June 16th 1731. My most honourd Friend After a very long, & dangerous voyage, by ye Good Providence of God, we landed at ye Port of Boston, ye 13th of November last, a little before night, & were received wth Great Civilities by ye Inhabitants of ye Town. Our Winter here has been very severe, & tedious, much colder than in old England, & our spring scarce perceivable till ye Beginning of May. I have taken some Pains to see a little of this Country for abt three weeks past, & intend to see More before ye summer is over. Here are many Things in these Parts, yt deserve ye Notice of ye Curious, not only in the vegetable, but ye Animal Kingdom. About 8 Days ago I had two Captains at Dinner wth Me, who came from ye Island of Nantucket, wch Place is remarkable for ye sperma ceti whales. And these two Men are ye most famous in all those Parts for catching these, as well as the common whales. Tis these Gentlemen yt supply us wth sperma Ceti, & Amber grease, to a large quantity some Years: And I shall putt them in a way of making it as pure, & white, as any you have from Holland, or any othr parts whatever. Concerning these two Medicines I received ye following account from them, wch I humbly conceive is more perfect, & clean than any Notices you have yet had of these two valuable Druggs. They assure me yt all ye sperma Ceti they have ever gotten, is taken directly out of ye Head of ye particular kind of whale, wch They call ye sperma Ceti Whale, in Distinction from ye othr. And they tell me farthr, yt it is not of an Oily Nature, as some have given out, but rathr of a Marrowy substance, like ye Brain of othr Animals, yt the two ventricles of ye Head are full of it, only parted by some Membrane, yt it must be ye real Brain, there being Nothing to be found in these Cavities besides: wch to me is a Demonstration. And as to ye Amber grease, They declare they allways find it in the Rectum of ye same Whale, near ye Fundamenti, & no where else. yt all the excrement of ye Whale, in the othr Intestines, has exactly ye same smell, tho much Thinner than in ye Rectum. & more of an oily nature; and they believe by evaporation, &c it may be brought to ye same Consistencey wch they have promised the Me to try ye very first Opportunity. That they often discharge this Amber Grease, as excrement, when wounded, & in Pain, like to othr Animals, wch is a Considerable Losse to them, for it usually sinks at first, till it comes to be more inspissated, & hardend in ye water wch will soon raise it to ye surface, & so it will continue floating, till it be driven on some Rocks, or Tossd upon some stone. Besides they often lose those whales after they have wounded them, & yt Mortally, And as soon as they are torn in Peeces, or corrupted in the sea, The Amber grease will be set at Liberty, & immediately be floating till lodged at Last some where, according as ye Current Happens. And this I take to be a Good Reason, why Amber grease is so often found upon ye Rocks, & on ye shores. The first they ever found in the Rectum of this kind of whale, wch they call ye arse gutt, so as to take notice of it, near this Island, was in the year 1721. And they lookd upon it as Excrement, And threw half of it into, ye sea, & was going to throw ye Rest, wch was near hald an hundred weights, but luckily prevent by a Person in the vessel, who had seen some Amber grease before at ye Bahama Islands, & so prevaild on them to save it. I intend very soon to try some Experiments on our Rattle snakes, wch are very rife in these Parts. And I make no Doubt at all, but yt their adops, or oil, if properly prepared, is as Good, & sure an Antidote agst their poisonous Bite, as ye adops viperanum is for the one Thing I know; yt it does better (I mean their Flash) in ye Thoria Androm. & is an higher alexipharmic, than ye flesh of vipers. Here is an Apothecary yt has used their Flesh in ye Thoriaca for some years, & I have ordered ye same Thoiaca wth very good success. Here are many curious Plants, & othr Rarities in this new world, yt have escaped all observation Hitherto, and if my circumstances woud allow me, I shud spend more Time, & be more exact, & Curious in my Enquiries abt them. But my Docket will not give Leave. Doctr Baylston is living Here, I have but small Acquaintance wth Him, He is a rattling sort of spark, & but of small esteem among ye better sort. Doctr Willm Duglass who wrote a small Treatise upon Inoculation, & a practical Essay on ye small pox, wch I suppose you have seen, is a very Ingenious man, & my very Worthy Friend. We have a famous Negroe Doctr in Virginia, who after Doctr Blair, & Doctr Nichols had made some tryals of ye success of his Medicines, & found to answer, the Assembly there set Him free, & settled 20 pds per Ann on Him for Life to communicate his Arcanum, for ye Grand Pox, & ye yaws, wch is the Hereditary Pox. The Decoction is as follows, of Spanish Oak Bark 2 parts [fol. 256] of ye inner Bark of ye White Pine 1 part & of ye Bark of ye Sumach Root 1 part in Common Water. One Pint is to be drank warm, and half a Pint cold immediately after, wch will soon cause vomiting. Then half a Pint is to be drank morning, noon, & night, daily untill ye cure is perform’d, wch is usually finished ina month, or six weeks. I shud be proud of a Line from You; is you please direct for Me Preacher at ye Royal Chapel at Boston in America to be left at ye New England Coffee House near ye Royal Exchange in Cornhill I am Dear Sr, wth ye utmost Deference, & Esteem, yr Honours most obedient, & obliged humble servtt Tho: Harward P.S. I lately recommended a Gentleman to yr prudent Care who has been much disorderd in his Eyes of late, I am affraid there is a Tendency to a Gutta serena. He is a Person of Great Merit, & if a very plentifull estate. He saild for England abt a fortnight ago. P.s. one Thing I had allmost forgott, wch demonstrates ye Amber grease to be ye Excrement of ye whale The spema Ceti whales feed very much of a sort of Fish, wch we call a squid, abt 12, or 16 Inches long, wch a Bill resembling a Hawks, or Parots: And when they take out the Amber grease, they commonly find eithr ye Bone of this Fish, or its Bill, or Both, more or less sticking in ye Amber grease, wch to me is a Proofe of any Contradiction.

Reverend Thomas Harward was a Lecturer at the Royal Chapel in Boston, New England.




Patient Details

Bethlem Bed Shortages in the Eighteenth Century

I just read an excellent post by Jennifer Evans (@historianjen) over at earlymodernmedicine on a sad case of madness from Hans Sloane’s correspondence. Go read the post in full, but to sum it up: over several months in 1714, the Earl of Derby was attempting to care for John Getting, who was in clearly declining mental health. The Earl wondered about the possibility of committing Getting to Bethlem, as the case had become too difficult to manage. Although the outcome can’t be traced, Evans wonders if Getting was admitted to Bethlem Hospital (also known as Bethlehem or Bedlam).

Maybe. Getting doesn’t appear in the letters again–but being admitted to Bethlem was not easy, nor did it provide long-term care.

We regularly complain about hospital bed shortages, but the situation was even more complicated in the eighteenth century! Mental health care primarily occurred in the home, although Bethlem Hospital and private care were an option for more difficult cases. There were few charitable hospitals overall and a chronic shortage of space. The early eighteenth-century Bethlem, for example, had only just over 100 places.[1] (The population of London in 1715 was around 630,000, but to make matters more complicated, Bethlem patients like Getting might come from outside of London.)

The Hospital of Bethlem [Bedlam] at Moorfields, London: seen from the south, with three people in the foreground. Etching by J. T. Smith after himself, 1814. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The Hospital of Bethlem [Bedlam] at Moorfields, London: seen from the south, with three people in the foreground. Etching by J. T. Smith after himself, 1814. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Bethlem was able to remain a charitable hospital largely through its fundraising: it doubled as a tourist attraction for rich and poor alike, with visitors expected to leave donations. Frenchman Cesar de Saussure, for example, described his tour of Bethlem. On the first floor, visitors could look in the little windows of cells at “these poor creatures” or, in the big gallery, pass by the “many inoffensive madmen” allowed to walk around. Cells on the second floor held “dangerous maniacs, most of them being chained and terrible to behold”. The building may have been grand, but it was a “melancholy abode”.

Patients being assessed could stay at Bethlem, but that did not always result in admission, as this fascinating case from Bethlem Blog suggests. Admission into most early eighteenth-century English hospitals was granted through patronage or—in the case of the Foundling Hospital (founded 1741)—by lottery. As a physician for Christ’s Hospital (1694-1730) and on the Board of Governors for St. Bartholomew’s, Sloane was frequently asked for assistance in obtaining admission for patients. But as the post on Getting reveals, admission to Bethlem could be helped by a charitable donation—and, perhaps, the assistance of important patrons like Sloane and Derby.

Another case from the Sloane correspondence, however, suggests the difficulty of finding long-term care for those in dire need. Ambrose Godfrey, a chemist well-known to Sloane for his analysis of the properties of stones and waters, wrote a distressed letter to Sloane in July 1724 on behalf of Mr. Steiger (an engraver).

Godfrey had known Mrs. Steiger and her brother well for nearly forty years, but the brother “had lost his understanding” and the family hoped to have him admitted to Bethlem. The Bethlem physician, however, “refuses it, alledging that there is no roome”. Godfrey hoped that a letter from Sloane might help. The situation was, indeed, dire.

He has been already been ones before in Bedlem & was sent out as cured. But being now as bad as ever & Threatning to stab them, haveing done already very dangerous things, it would be great charity good S’r if you could be instrumentall to get him in again, the dangerous prancks he has played will else be the ruin of my friend who has already the Burthen & care of 3 of this mad mans children upon his back.

It’s clear that in helping the Steiger family, Godfrey was asking Sloane for a very personal favour: “I am deeply concerned for them”, he wrote, and “it would be as much satisfaction to me see their request fulefilled, as if they ware relations of my own”. In the event that personal recommendation was insufficient, Godfrey also pointed out the brother’s good reputation. He had “ben a man of much credit & served all the offices in ye parish of Gracion’s street”.

Statues of "raving" and "melancholy" madness, each reclining on one half of a broken segmental pediment, formerly crowning the gates at Bethlem [Bedlam] Hospital. Engraving by C. Warren, 1808, after C. Cibber, 1680. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Statues of “raving” and “melancholy” madness, each reclining on one half of a broken segmental pediment, formerly crowning the gates at Bethlem [Bedlam] Hospital. Engraving by C. Warren, 1808, after C. Cibber, 1680. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

So why the stickiness over admissions and the insistence in discharging an obviously ill patient? A charitable hospital like Bethlem needed to show that it was successful in curing people in order to attract patronage. To that end, according to Bethlem Blog, those patients accepted into Bethlem were most likely to be easily treatable within a year or two. It was not until the late 1720s that Bethlem opened an “incurable” ward—and that was only available to patients already in the hospital. After a year of treatment and assessment, severely ill patients might be transferred to the ward.

Might. The waiting list to enter the ward was long.

It’s hard to say what happened to either Getting or Mrs. Steiger’s brother, but their sad cases predated the incurable ward. At best, if the men were admitted to Bethlem, the Steiger family and Earl of Derby might have had a couple years respite; in the brother’s case, this might even have coincided with the opening of the new ward. At worst? Well, the Earl had the inclination, money and assistance to continue helping Getting. As for the Steiger family, however, I dread to think. Mrs Steiger’s brother was a danger to the family: the costs of caregiving for a family could be high, indeed.

[1] Christine Stevenson, “Robert Hooke’s Bethlem”, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 55, 3 (1996): 254–275.

Letter 2728

William Derham to Hans Sloane – August 4, 1731


Item info

Date: August 4, 1731
Author: William Derham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: ff. 293-294



Original Page



Transcription

Fol. 294 Hond Sr Upminster 4 Aug. 1731 I recd safely the Meteorological Observations you consigned to me, I am drawing up my Remarks upon them. I have also by one Mr Robies in N. England wch are very curious, & joined with Astro- nomical & others also some of wch con- cur wth my Observations before I left off. I have heard yt Mr Hawkesbee by the Socie- ties order kept a Register of the Weather, &c. wch I shall be glad to have, to compare wth those from Petersburgh, Sweden, Northamptonshire, &c And now give one save to ask yr favr on another acct, the case of my Daugr, your Patient some time since in a Green-sickness. She hath from month or more been severely tormented wth a Pain in her stomach, wch comes about 2 in the morning, swells the right side, & is so pained outwardly yt she as well as inwardly, yt she cant bear the touching of it, yt is sometimes convulsed. Sometimes wth this is off, a great pain shall be in her right Eye, wch affects her Stomach. She hath the Ca pretty regular, but in 3 weeks, & no great quantity. The Flux is just over, & only a Shew, by catching cold in the less Hot weather, by sitting wthout her usual clothes: Yester- day she was feavourish, restless & headach, & for some time before that hath have under a perfect prostraction of Appetite, hath a foul tast in her mouth. Her Pain in her stomach makes her afraid of Malt drink; Milk, Fruit, & for this half year [?]. She formerly had an Erupti- on in her [?] like a Fetter, wch now returned. I desire the favr of your speedy opinion, & whether you judge the Bath may be serviceable to her, wch some of out female- Doctors have advised. I am wth greatest respect & affection Yours Wm Derham Having lately recd Sr Tho: Derehams Italian Translation of my Astro-Theology, I shall soon write to him, & if you have any commands I shall readily convey them.

The ‘Mr Hawkesbee’ referred to in the letter is most likely Francis Hauksbee, Isaac Newton’s assistant.
Derham was a Church of England clergyman and a natural philosopher, interested in nature, mathematics, and philosophy. He frequently requested medical advice from Sloane, and likely served as a physician to his family and parishioners (Marja Smolenaars, Derham, William (16571735), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: Miss. Derham
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description
  • Diagnosis

    Suffers from greensickness, stomach pain, eye pain, extreme fluctuations in body temperature, fever, restlessness, and headache.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    She was given a malt drink, milk, and fruit throughout the past year.


    Ongoing Treatment:

    Derham wonders whether baths waters would have a positive affect.


    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Greensickness, Stomach, Headache, Restlessness, Eyes, Pain, Fevers

Letter 1877

William Derham to Hans Sloane – November 21, 1712


Item info

Date: November 21, 1712
Author: William Derham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4043
Folio: ff. 110-111



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 111] Sr Upminster Nov: 21 1712 Not doubting but a Council of the R.S will be called before our Election-day, & by reason of the bad Weather & Ways, foreseeing I may not be well able to be there, I hope you will excuse my troubling you with what I would propose in behalf of the Repository, viz Considering that few of us are well acquaint- ed with the Repository, especially with such things as are out of sight in Boxes & Draw- ers, & under Locks & Keys: & considering al- so that the late Removeall of them, may in all probability have impaired some, displaced others, & lost other: & especially considering yt no man is able to give any account of many of them but Mr Hunt, who grows much in years, That therefore a Committee of the Society be appointed Strictly to respect the Repository: That they should be ordered to annex the Tithes and Donors to the Rarities; place them in so good an order; & make an Alphabetical Catalogue of them, yt every curious Inquirer may readily & ea- sibly search & have recourse to them. But if this would be too tedious, yt at least the Committee should go on where Dr Grew left off, & add what hath been brought in since Besides the benefit this would make the Repository of to curious persons, it would moreover make some of our selves acquainted therewith; which would be of absolute necessity in case of Mr Hunts death; the loss of whom (without such a provision as this I have proposed) would be of fatal consequence to the Repository, he being, I imagine, the only man thoroughly acquainted therewth. This Project I thought it my duty to propound in Coun- cil, but with all submission to their & your better judgt Since I was last in town I have been concerned I had not the happiness to see our Molineaux. If he is in town I desire the favour of you to greet him with my hum- ble service, & to tell him I should be glad to see him here if not, I hope he will not leave the Town before our Election-day, at which time I hope to see him. But if not so, yt I will comepose to town to wait on him, if he will favour me with a Lr please when to wait on him. Wth great repect yours Wm Derham

Derham was a Church of England clergyman and a natural philosopher, interested in nature, mathematics, and philosophy. He frequently requested medical advice from Sloane, and likely served as a physician to his family and parishioners (Marja Smolenaars, Derham, William (16571735), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 0987

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – March 5, 1704/05


Item info

Date: March 5, 1704/05
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4040
Folio: ff. 13-15



  • Language
    English
  • Library
    British Library, London
  • Categories
    Collections, Material Culture, Scholarship, Trade or Commodities, Travel
  • Subjects
    Books, Botany, Catalogues, Coins, Entomology, Formosa, Insects, Jamaica, Maryland, Natural History, Near East, Numismatics, Plants, Specimens, Statuary
  • Date (as written)
    March 5, 1704/05
  • Standardised date
  • Origin (as written)
    Smirna
  • Others mentioned
    Dr. Pickery Dr. Guiolio Madici Rauwolf Lord Pembroke James Sloane Brother Joseph Pitton de Tournefort Ezechiel de Spanheim Dr Lavater James Petiver Mr Bridges Johann Philipp Breyne Rivinus John Ray
  • Patients mentioned

Original Page



Transcription

[fol.13] Dear Sr I writ to you ye 2d Decr by ye Brittannia Galley, wch I hope ia come safe to hand since I am honr’d wth yrs under ye 5th Septr & thank you for it & ye acct you are pleas’d to send me of ye state of learning. The book I bought at vienna were cheifly to accompany ye Lambecius for Mr Bridges, wch I’me sorry is imperfect & wish it be not in one of ye volumes wch are not to be met wth I desird you in my last to send me word what was wanting yt I might write for it. I order’d my Brother to keep for me ye Loselius wth ye figures wch I see you have taken, so have writ to him to return you ye 15 shill paid him for it. ‘twas a present from Dr Rivini & is not to be bought, tho I hope Dr Breynuis will procure you one at his return. I have noted to my Br. some few of ye others to be kept for me, & ye rest to be sold. I shoud be glad to hear My Ray has finish’d his history of insects, wch I desire may be sent me, as also spanheim’s book of coins; ye Description of Formosa, & what you think proper for me besides. I have pick’d up some Medalls, but have not yet met wth one of my Ld Pembrokes [fol. 13v] Catalogue, tho have sonm copies of it to Constantinople Aleppo & Larissa, from whence daily expect some. As’to his Grace ye Duke of Buckinghams comission, I have small hopes of rendring him yt service I coud wish. there has been but 3 statues (or rather Busts) bought here this 20 years past. some few there are now in o’r nations hands, but so deformed yr I wou’d not pay ye freight home to have them. they are rarely found in these parts, & as surely defac’d as dug up. As to naturall History this country affords diversion in all ye parts of it, somethings I find are to be met wth wch have escap’d Dr Tourneforts diligent search, tho had he been here in ye proper season, probably he wou’d have met with them. By ye Delawar (wch will sail in 3 weeks) I shall send you some plants in a box directed to Mr. Petiver. Pray dispose of some of My Rays supplements for me if you find occasion; one was for ye Dutchesse of Beaufort, who probably may have it before this. I lately recd letters from Dr. Lavaterus of zurich, desiring me to send him some Letters of recommendation for his 2 sons lately gone for England; they will doubtlessly wait on you, & I beg of you to shew them yr accustom’d civility, & to recommend them to oxford. [fol. 14] I have settled a corrispondence wth Dr Pickerus at Aleppo, & Dr. Giulio Medici at Cairo, both Physitians of very good repute, in order to be inform’d about severall things of ye Material Medica, & ye plants of those places mention’d by Rauwolf & Alpinus. if I can hear any thing of ye succes Cyraniacus, it shall be sent you, wth what else comes to hand, worth communicating. I wish at yr leisure you wou’d please to lay me by what duplicates you have of Jamaica, Mariland & other plants, wch wou’d assist me very much in ye Pinax, wch I shall set deligently to again, assoon as o’r ships are departed. I’me heartily sorry for ye loss of yr Brother & hope ye years taken from him will be added to yrs my humble service to yr Lady & family; to all friends at ye Club & else where I am Dear Sr yr most obliged & most humble servt WSherard Smirna March 5th 1704/5

William Sherard (16591728) was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography).




Patient Details

Grading Sir Hans Sloane’s Research Paper

It’s that time of year when grading is on an academic’s mind. With first-year assignments still fresh in my head, I recently found myself frustrated by Sir Hans Sloane’s “Account of Symptoms arising from eating the Seeds of Henbane” (Philosophical Transactions, volume 38, 1733-4).

Letters by Sir Hans rarely feature on this blog—and that’s for a good reason: there aren’t very many by him in his correspondence collection. But he did, occasionally, send in reports to the Royal Society
 some of which were better than others. I love reading the early eighteenth-century Philosophical Transactions; many of the authors knew how to tell a cracking story, with a clear narrative arc of event, evidence and interpretation.

Not so much this offering from Sloane.

Filberts. Credit: Agnieszka KwiecieƄ, Wikimedia Commons.

Filberts. Credit: Agnieszka KwiecieƄ, Wikimedia Commons.

Sloane’s account began in 1729 when “a Person came to consult me on an Accident, that befell four of his Children, aged from four Years and a half, to thirteen Years and a half”. The children decided to have a foraged snack from the fields by St. Pancras Church, thinking that the seeds they’d found were tasty filberts. But foraging can be a risky business and the children took ill. Their symptoms included great thirst, dizziness, blurred vision, delirium and sleepiness. For Sloane, the symptoms suggested henbane poisoning; Sloane’s initial diagnosis was reinforced after examining the seeds that the father had brought in to show him. Sloane prescribed bleeding, blistering at multiple points, and purging at both ends: “And by this Method they perfectly recovered.”

This could have made for a solid medical case study: who better to bring together clinical observation with botanical detective work? But for Sloane, the real story was the seeds rather than his diagnostic prowess. I withheld judgement. At this point, I was curious to see where Sloane, the narrator, would take his readers.

Four poisonous plants: hemlock (Conium maculatum), henbane (Hyoscyamus niger), opium lettuce (Lactuca virosa) and autumn crocus (Colchicum autumnale). Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Four poisonous plants: hemlock (Conium maculatum), henbane (Hyoscyamus niger), opium lettuce (Lactuca virosa) and autumn crocus (Colchicum autumnale). Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Sloane went on to describe how the symptoms of delirium can offered important clues. Henbane delirium was very different from regular fevered delirium, but had much in common to the delirium caused by datura (“a species of stramonium”) and bang of East-India (“a sort of hemp”–indeed). Unfortunately for the reader, he did not describe any of these forms of delirium.

He then noted that the delirium from all three herbs was different from that “caused by the rubbing with a certain Ointment made use of by Witches (according to Lacuna, in his Version and Comments upon Dioscorides)”. The witches’ ointment instead would “throw the Persons into deep Sleep, and make them dream so strongly of being carried in the Air to distant Places, and there meeting with others of their diabolical Fraternity; that when they awake they actually believe, and have confess’d, that they have performed such extravagent Actions.”

I see. From faux-filberts to witches’ ointment in four easy steps


A sculpture of a man with toothache. Wood engraving after Mr. Anderson. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A sculpture of a man with toothache. Wood engraving after Mr. Anderson. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Henbane wasn’t all bad, though. Sloane recounted, for example, that several years before, a “Person of Quality tormented with this racking Pain [of tooth-ache]” was treated by an empiric who used henbane. The sufferer was desperate—“his Anguish obliging him to submit to any Method of procuring Ease”—and he allowed the empiric to funnel smoke into the tooth’s hollow before (allegedly) removing tooth-worms. If this case sounds familiar to regular readers, it should be. Sloane procured one of the maggots from the sufferer, then sent it to Leeuwenhoek who examined it in detail and found it to be an ordinary cheese worm rather than a so-called tooth-worm.

Although Sloane knew that the wormy tale was fake, he pointed out that “upon the whole”, the henbane would have offered pain relief. And in any case, presumably, a good tale about tooth-worms bears repeating. Sloane also took the chance in his conclusion to make a dig at empirics who, through “slight of Hand” acquired a reputation for their remedies’ success, “which from the Prescription of an honest Physician would be taken little Notice of.”

So ends the account

****

Essay Comments

Sir Hans,

There is much of interest in this paper: your medical cases on henbane and tooth-worms are intriguing and your ability to identify both seeds and poisoning is impressive. I also appreciate the historical perspective that you bring to this study with your discussion of witch ointments.

However, there are a few ways in which this essay could be strengthened. The essay lacks analysis as you move quickly between subjects–a recent case, types of delirium caused by different seeds, and an old case. These are all fascinating issues in their own right, but you lapse into storytelling with each instance without ever going into detail about their significance. For example, in the middle section, you aim to connect different seeds to different types of delirium, but you never provide any discussion about the specifics (apart from the witches’ delirium): how did the childrens’ delirium present? What does delirium caused by bhang or datura look like? In what ways are each of these similar or different? This would help the reader to understand your thought process in diagnosing the patients and in identifying poisons.

It is also worth more carefully considering the title you’ve chosen: “An Account of Symptoms arising from eating the Seeds of Henbane”. A good title should reflect the content of the essay. However, only the first section of your paper considers symptoms actually caused by eating henbane seeds. The second section is potentially related, but needed to be more closely linked to make the connection clear; this would have been done to good effect by comparing the specifics of each drug and their symptoms to the case of henbane poisoning you introduced. The third section is only tangentially related—although you discuss a medical case and henbane is involved, you consider henbane’s therapeutic qualities rather than symptoms arising from its use. You could usefully have omitted the case in its current state, particularly since the section focuses on making value judgements about empirics and examining tooth-worms. That said, if you really do think it necessary to keep the section, you needed to consider henbane’s effects in more detail. Even more crucially, you might consider changing the title: “An Account of the Effects of Henbane” would have neatly pulled the three strands together in a more coherent fashion.

This essay has the potential to be a wonderful example of your diagnostic and botanical mastery, especially if you took more time to consider the narrative arc. Rather than scattering your energies by telling several stories (henbane, witches or tooth-worms), focus instead on one strand. Don’t be afraid to toot your own horn by showing off what you know and how you know it, instead of just sharing a collection of interesting tidbits.

So what grade should we give it…?

Recording Dr. Sloane’s Medical Advice

Sir Hans Sloane might have collected recipe books in search of knowledge, but patients in turn might record his medical advice for later reference. The Arscott Family’s book of “Physical Receipts”, c. 1730-1776 (Wellcome Library, London, MS 981), for example, contains three recipes attributed to Sloane, which provides snippets of information about his medical practice.

Although Sloane was best known for his botanical expertise and promotion of treatments such as Peruvian Bark or chocolate, the Arscott family recipes show a mixture of chemical, animal and herbal remedies. The treatment for worms (f. 129), for example, combined a mixture of elixir proprietatis and spirit. salis dulcis in either white wine or tea. Together, these aimed to sweeten the blood, strengthen the nerves and fortify the stomach.

A woman is carrying a tray with a cup of chocolate [or maybe the pleurisy remedy?] and a glass on it. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A woman is carrying a tray with a cup of chocolate [or maybe the pleurisy remedy?] and a glass on it. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

The pleurisy remedy (f. 156) included pennyroyal water, white wine and “2 small Balls of a sound stone horse”—or, dung from a horse that still had its testicles. This was to be steeped for an hour, then strained. (Apparently this weakened the taste of the dung.) This delicious liquor would keep for three days. Are you tempted? Because the dose was a “large Chocolate Dish fasting in the morning and at 4 in the Afternoon”. “If the Stomach will bear it” (and whose wouldn’t?), the patient was to take the remedy for four to six days in a row. In this remedy, the dung was the most powerful ingredient, as it was considered a sudorific (causing sweat) and resolvent (reducing inflammation) that would aid asthma, colic, inflamed lungs, and pleurisies.

Sloane, of course, was also famed for his eye remedy, which he made public knowledge in 1745 when he published An Account of a most efficacious medicine for soreness, weakness, and several other distempers of the eyes. But how close to the published remedy was the Arscott version?  Fortunately, the most detailed of the three recipes is “Sr Hans Sloane’s Direction for my Aunt Walroud in ye Year 1730–when she perceiv’d a Cataract growing in one of her Eyes” (ff.79-80).

Sloane's remedy would have been preferable to being couched for a cataract. Heister, Operation for cataract and eye instruments, 1757. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Sloane’s remedy would have been preferable to being couched for a cataract. Heister, Operation for cataract and eye instruments, 1757. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Although there are measurements and preparation details, just like a recipe, it was also a summary of Sloane’s successful medical advice to Mrs Walroud. Of course, what early modern patients deemed success in a treatment differs from our modern concept. For Mrs Walroud, it was enough that after she started the treatment at the age of 67, her eyes did not get any worse for ten years and “she could write & read tolerably well”. When she died at the age of 83, she still had some of her sight.

The Arscott instructions begin by recommending that the sufferer have nine ounces of blood taken from the arm and a blister applied behind the ears. Next, take a conserve of rosemary flowers, pulvis ad guttetam (ground human skull mixed with various herbs), eyebright, millipedes, fennel seed and peony syrup. Last, the patient was to drink a julap (medicine mixed with alcohol) of black cherry water, fennel water, compound peony water, compound spirit of lavender, sal volat oleos and sugar. Mrs Walroud took both twice daily and kept a “perpetual Blister between her shoulders”.

One crucial difference between Sloane’s published remedy and the Arscott one is that no mention is made in Mrs Walroud’s treatment of using an ointment made of tutty (oxide of zinc), lapis haematites, aloes, prepared pearl and viper’s grease. Three possibilities for the ointment’s absence occur to me.

  • The Arscott family may have simply assumed that the listed directions were intended to accompany the purchase of Sloane’s ointment and didn’t specify something so obvious.
  • The reference to using the ointment was lost when the instructions had been passed between family members.
  • Or, Sloane did not always prescribe the ointment.

The remaining directions, though, do have overlaps. In his Account, Sloane prescribed drinking a medicine that also contained rosemary flowers, pulvis ad guttetam and eyebright—though he included more ingredients: betony, sage, wild valerian root and castor. This was to be followed by a tea (rather than julap) with drops of compound spirit of lavender and sal volat oleos. In this case, it was the Arscott version that included extra ingredients.

The type of bleeding in the Account was also slightly different than Mrs Walroud’s, with the recommendation that six ounces of blood be taken either from the temples using leeches or by cupping at the shoulders. Sloane’s eye remedy was supposed to be useful for many types of problems, he did not prescribe it exactly the same each time. Variations were possible, according to the patient and the problem.

The Arscott recipes suggest not only what advice from Sloane the family had found most useful, but what sorts of remedies Sloane might prescribe to his patients. But whatever Mrs Walroud’s rave review, the next time I suffer from eye strain at the computer, I won’t be reaching for Sloane’s drink with pulvis ad guttetam and millipedes in a hurry.

Letter 2810

D... to Hans Sloane – March 9, 1701/02


Item info

Date: March 9, 1701/02
Author: D...
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 312-313



Original Page



Transcription

(Fol. 312r) Surratt March ye 9th, 1701/2   I thought to have waited upon you again before I went away from London but I was prevented, I am now settled att this place but during the most carefull part of the year for gathering plants I was very ill but now thro perey in perfect health how ever I have collected divers Curious odd stones, and some tiser [?] shells as followes one large bezoar taken out of an Elliphant one or two ox Bezoars some Cow Bezoars two large Bezoars out of serpents from Patta in Arabia which I tryd in a pestilen= tial feaver with gental effect two other Bezoars taken out of the heads of a Serpent called Cobra Capol a moldeoia Nutt shell with diverse other things which intend to bring with me if it pleases god to bring me here againe to that desirable place England. I have sent to my sister M Rebecca Hayes in [Ilei] ffeathers Court in Milkstreet some Balm of Gillead and An ashen sort of oil or Bal= some thought to come out of the Lig Aloes scent, the Balm of Gilead is very thick I here am informed that what comes to Europe is Commonly anicd [?] orvilla [?] oyle makes it so thinne but this caime dye ely from mecca if you pleases to be so kind to Recommend it to yor friends the doctrs that she may sell it you will very much obligg me and if I can be servisable to you here please to Command

Yr humble servt

D

My humble servis To my Lord and Lady Normanbie

The author informs Sloane s/he has collected some bezoars from various animals and has sent a top quality remedy to his sister to sell. The author’s name has been cut out of the letter.




Patient Details

About

Welcome to The Sloane Letters Project! This is a project to catalogue in depth, and eventually transcribe, the contents of Sir Hans Sloane’s correspondence.

In this letter draft to Samuel Dale, Sloane discussed Aztec,, Indian, and European botany and insects. Sloane MS 4068, f. 9r, 12 June 1692. (Letter 4548)

A pilot of this project, Sir Hans Sloane’s Correspondence Online, was first launched at the University of Saskatchewan in 2010 to coincide with the 350th anniversary of Sir Hans Sloane’s birth. The project was renamed Sloane Letters Online when it moved to this site in 2016.

The correspondence of Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) consists of thirty-eight volumes held at the British Library, London: MSS 4036-4069, 4075-4078.  The letters are a rich source of information about topics such as scientific discourse, collections of antiquities, curiosities and books, patients’ illnesses, medical treatments and family history. Most of the letters were addressed to Sloane, but a few volumes were addressed to others (MSS 4063-4067) or written by Sloane (MSS 4068-4069).

So far, we have entered the data for all of Sloane MSS 4036-4053 and 4075, as well as several letters from each of the following: Sloane MSS 4054-4055, 4066, 4068-4069 (especially the French letters) and 4076.

The database update and conversion as well as the construction of the site in 2016 was performed by Volant systems, working in partnership with the University of Essex.

The project is maintained by Dr Lisa Smith at the University of Essex, Digital History Centre. 

Letter 4020

John Ray to Hans Sloane – November 10, 1697


Item info

Date: November 10, 1697
Author: John Ray
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4036
Folio: ff. 365-366



Original Page



Transcription

Ray has returned ‘the 2 Tribes [Sloane] last sent’. He received Mr Harris’ book yesterday, which he found ‘to be a scurrilous piece’ that falsely attributes many ideas to Dr Robinson. Ray found several ‘Typographical Errata’ in Sloane’s own work. He asks Sloane to ‘dispatch away to Dr Preston’ the enclosed. Ray was a theologian and naturalist who collected and catalogued his botanical findings in the much lauded Historia plantarum (1686, 1688) (Scott Mandelbrote, Ray , John (16271705), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2005 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23203, accessed 18 June 2013]).




Patient Details