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Letter 2860

Elizabeth Tothill to Hans Sloane – August 14, 1722


Item info

Date: August 14, 1722
Author: Elizabeth Tothill
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 282-283



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Transcription

(f. 283r) Sr: all tho you are unknown to me by person yet your undeniable Judgment and good suckses in physick give me a very satisfacry knowlidge of your wonderfull meritt sr: wee have now a son at Westminster scooll which is a very dear dearling child to us wee are the more fearfull of his health by reson wee have been very un happy in baring four sons which put us uppon any illness under afar greater concern than I can expres or any one be a Judge of unles it be aparant who knows the value of children: sr: I am recomended to you by worthy dear Lady Tipping for his phision if ill which favourd (f. 282v) I humbly beg you to grant me so as to take him in to your compasinat and affecinat cear as a youth far from his own family and sr: both Mr: Tothills and my grattud shall attend you in the most perticullers manner affecinat parants can show Mr Tothill and presents you his humble seravuice as doth Sr: the favour of                             Sr: a line from you would                  your very humble searvaunt be a very great pleasure to                                      Eliz: Tothhill me Bangor August ye 14 1722 be pleased for to Derect for me at Bangor to be left at the post office in Ashbourtown. Devon.

Though Tothill does not know Sloane personally she is very aware of his reputation. She has a son at Westminster School. The boy is sick and she is worried. Her four sons have all suffered from childhood illnesses. Lady Tippin recommended Sloane and Tothill hopes he will treat her son. Her husband approves of consulting Sloane and offers his service in thanks. Sloane’s reply is to be sent to ‘the post office in Ashbourtown Devon’.

The second page is written cross-wise.

The envelope has two postal marks, including one for Ashburton. There is also the mark left by a black wax seal.




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Letter 0700

Edmund King to Hans Sloane – August 17, 1701


Item info

Date: August 17, 1701
Author: Edmund King
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 217-218



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Transcription

Sir Edmund King (bap. 1630, d. 1709) was a physician and surgeon. He published some of his research in the Philosophical Transactions (Robert L. Martensen, ‘King , Sir Edmund (bap. 1630, d. 1709)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/15557, accessed 3 July 2014]).




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Letter 1700

Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet to Hans Sloane – October 7, 1710


Item info

Date: October 7, 1710
Author: Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4042
Folio: ff. 187-188



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Transcription

Tufton seeks Sloane’s advice regarding an unnamed matter. Thomas Tufton (1644-1729), 6th Earl of Thanet, was a nobleman and politician. He served as Captain of the Troop of Horse, Member of Parliament for Appelby from 1668 to 1679, and was eventually invested as a Privy Councillor in 1702. He was Lord-Lieutenant of Cumberland from 1712 to 1714 (G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday, Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden, editors, ‘The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant’, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6 volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume III, page 297).




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Letter 3700

Cornelius Mason to Hans Sloane – January 2, 1729/30


Item info

Date: January 2, 1729/30
Author: Cornelius Mason
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4050
Folio: f. 258



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Transcription

[fol. 258] Sr My Friend tells me that ye Gentleman who left ye snake wth you is gone into ye Country & he apprehends it was design’d you as a Present, ye Gentleman’s name is Richard Helmes junr in St Edmonds-bury Suffolk, who will be very ready to send you several Attestations if you should require them that it came from the Stomach of a Man, who was a Patient of his Fathers an Apothecary in ye same place From Sr your most Obedt Hum Servt Corn Mason Cannon Street Jany 2d 1729.




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Eighteenth-Century Pain and the Modern Problem of Measuring Pain

The offending machine. A Saskatchewan example. Image credit: Daryl Mitchell, Wikimedia Commons.

I read the news about the recent study using fMRI to measure physical and emotional pain intensity right after a visit to the physiotherapist for help with my migraines. (I’ve been a migraineur since the age of eleven when a Tilt-a-Whirl ride gave me a case of whiplash.) Although there is not always a close relationship between life events and scholarly work, my migraines have shaped my interest in patients’ illness narratives. It is as both scholar and sufferer that I am troubled by the fMRI study’s implications.

Running through much of the pain scholarship is the assumption that it cannot be adequately represented by language or truly understood by others.[1] Chronic pain’s invisibility makes it difficult even for people close to a sufferer to sympathise. There has been a recent shift to trying to understand pain holistically, with the development of pain clinics where sufferers can receive treatment from a variety of health practitioners and the focus is on mind-body integration. But scientific studies of pain still often come down to one question: can you tell how much pain a patient is experiencing, either in relation to his own pain, or that of others? To this end, many have tried to find ways of measuring pain.[2]

The news is all abuzz, with headlines such as “Study shows pain is all in your head, and you can see it”. Like many previous studies, the latest attempts to provide, as Maggie Fox at NBC News puts it, an “objective way to measure pain”. Researchers applied heat-based pain to volunteers, then measured the changes within the brain using fMRI. They were able to identify a person’s relative pain, such as when one burn feels worse than another, as well as the influence of painkillers. The results of this study have the potential to be very useful when treating patients who are unable to talk or unconscious.

But there is an unsettling aspect to the study—or at least to the way in which it is being reported—in that it tries to distinguish between a real, objective pain and the experienced pain. According to the lead researcher Tor Dessart Wager quoted in the above article, the tests reveal that people really do feel pain differently: “Let’s say I give you a 48-degrees stimulus and you go ‘This is okay; I can handle it’ and I might say ‘Oh, this really hurts’… My brain is going to respond more strongly than yours. We are using this to track what people say they feel.” In other words, some people are wimps and some are stoic—and patients cannot be trusted to report the truth.

An unhelpful distinction at best: it misses out the psycho-social experience of pain of why one person might feel the pain more keenly. Age, ethnicity, status and sex all play an important role not just in a sufferer’s experience of pain, but in how others perceive what the experience should be and the trustworthiness of a sufferer’s account of pain.

It is also a potentially dangerous distinction, reinforcing as it does the idea that pain needs to be measured objectively and that technology provides the answers. The problem, as Daniel Goldberg tweeted yesterday, is that:

A report in Scientific American explains the study’s implications for chronic sufferers. The fMRI was also used to measure coping tactics for the heat-induced pain, such as mindfulness, meditation, imagination or religious belief, revealing that such methods reduce pain. Pssssst… about that: we’ve known this for a while. These sorts of methods were used long before we had effective painkillers and are frequently used by modern chronic illness sufferers.

Will measuring pain ‘objectively’ really benefit the sufferer? The use of technology for chronic pain provides a mere (if very expensive) bandaid and, to make matters worse, undermines one of the most important elements in a successful doctor-patient relationship: trust. Sometimes looking at a historical case can pinpoint the modern problems.

Lady Sondes just before her marriage. Miniature of Lady Katherine Tufton by Peter Cross, 1707. Image Credit: Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

Catherine Watson, Lady Sondes, wrote to Sloane several times between 1722 and 1734 about an unspecified illness.[3] Although she was in her late 30s, she had a litany of complaints that made her feel as “old and decayed” as someone aged fifty or sixty. Her pains ranged from headaches, gnawing leg pains, and “fullness” in her head to a stiff lip, constant fear, memory loss and “rising nerves”. She described the ways her daily life was affected. Besides being constantly distracted by pain, she worried about her legs giving out from under her or losing her memory so she would be unable to do the household accounts. These were problems for a woman who prided herself on running a large household successfully. Her descriptions were circular and repetitive, even boring, but reflected her ongoing experience: the physical pains, often not severe, nagged constantly at her throughout the day, and the fear and anxiety of what the pain might mean was all-encompassing.

Her symptoms did eventually pass, allowing her to once again go “about Busiynesse”, but the treatment had been difficult. Lady Sondes began to consult Sloane by letter when she disagreed with her regular physician’s diagnosis of hysteria. While Dr. Colby considered her ailment to be hysteria, Lady Sondes did not feel that she could trust her full story to him. Hysteria was associated with overly delicate women and a mixture of imagined problems alongside real ones, suggesting that such a diganosis may have predisposed Colby to disregard her accounts of pain. She wrote instead to Sloane who treated her “with great kindness and care”. It was not until Colby rediagnosed her as having a blood condition that she began to trust him again. A large part of Lady Sondes’ healing came from the ability to express her narrative. Sloane was not physically present; the greatest therapy he could have provided was reading her letters and answering her specific, stated concerns.

Chronic pain, with its messy emotional bits and day-to-day dullness, is encompassed within an entire life, not just a few moments spent inside a machine while clutching something uncomfortable. A crucial component of effective therapy is the trust between doctor and patient, allowing the patient to create a narrative, to be heard and to be understood. If a physician is primed to distrust a patient’s account, whether through a diagnosis or reliance on technology, the healing process will be thwarted. Sure we can measure pain, but when it comes to chronic pain, it’s not really the question we should be asking.


[1] This comes from Elaine Scarry’s influential book, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).

[2] For example, the famous McGill Pain Questionnaire. See R. Melzack, “The McGill Pain Questionnaire: Major Properties and Scoring Methods”, Pain 1, 3 (1975): 277-299.

[3] I discuss this case and others from Sloane’s letters in my article, “ ‘An Account of an Unaccountable Distemper’: The Experience of Pain in Early Eighteenth-Century England and France”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 41, 4 (2008): 459-480.

Letter 0651

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – November 23, 1700


Item info

Date: November 23, 1700
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4038
Folio: ff. 91-92



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Transcription

[fol. 92] Dear Sr. The Presid’t having sumon’d me to ye College to take ye June Bursers place, I shall set forwards on Monday morning for Oxford, where if I can do you any service be pleased to command me. I have reed a curious parcel of seeds from ye Cape, most new; there’s 223 sorts, of wch 14 Aloel, 32 for -day; Gerides am promis’d from all parts large collections, if out at spring shall find diversion enough I read a letter lately from Sgre Frenfetti, who has sent me some copies of his Lusiones printed that year by 2 either ways, so yt I hope speceily to have them. he has ready for ye press an an-swer to Malpighi in has of a posth. wch he says he will dchata to ye royal society, yt they may judg of his report. Sgre Baghoi is very importinate wth me to procure him a certificate of his being admitted into ye society wth ye seal toit. he sends me word yr sope whom he treated wth a green in ye color he has printed ye followng Book & sent me some sopies of it. De fibra notrice et morbosa; nei honed experi-mentis ai orbis Salive bilis et sanguinis ubi obiter de reppi-ratione et sam(crossed out); de Satica aeris et Liquid orace per ovserva– tionas Betoneitxieof et Hydros taticas adusum res[…] [fol. 92v] exotica [?] cuculatiione sanguines in tastudina ajusdecug conta -[?] gristola ad Alax Pascoli Biadicu Perusid Auu jus. 1700. Mosr. Vaillant writes yt Mr. Tourefort writ from Milo Aug 6th yr he had left Candy after ten weeks searching he has ^sent^ 135designs of plants from there & a catalogue of about 400 as well described as note of yt land. Monsr Fagon desird ye plan of my Lady Duchess’s taves having just built a serra in yr garden at Paris & sedigninf thaved; he has a model of those of Amsterdam & I have sent him those [?] wch [?] ye beste I ever saw especially ye long out sthaud you heartily for ye Books her Grace has there. all my service to yr good family I work hard for Mr. Ray who I hope lyts out well, I am Sr yr most obliged humble servt WSherard Badmington Novbr 3d 1700

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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Letter 3506

John Thomas Woolhouse to Hans Sloane – September 22, 1728


Item info

Date: September 22, 1728
Author: John Thomas Woolhouse
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4049
Folio: ff. 243-244



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Transcription

Woolhouse sends a book that contests Newton’s Chronology. He comments on the controversy. Woolhouse has been made aware of a wondrous cure. He notes that ‘The secret of the gold drops is in very great request’ in Paris. His son Beaumont was able to perform the operation and Woolhouse claims it cured ‘a great fluxion I had on my breast’. He hopes to have interpreted His Majesty’s visit with Sloane correctly. John Thomas Woolhouse was an English oculist and physician. He practiced physic in London, served James II for a time, and in 1711 secured a position at Paris’s Hospice des Quinze-Vingts. He served as the King of France’s oculist, was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1721, and a member of both the Berlin Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Sciences of Bologna. Woolhouse was criticized for charlatanry by some contemporaries (Anita McConnell, Woolhouse, John Thomas (16661734), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/29954, accessed 17 July 2013]).




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Letter 1403

Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz to Hans Sloane – April 17, 1703


Item info

Date: April 17, 1703
Author: Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 116-117



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Transcription

Leibniz has been ill since the autumn and fallen behind in his work and correspondence. He is glad to hear that John Wallis is not dead (see: Sloane MS 4038 ff. 339-340). He includes a diagram of the system of binary counting and hopes it will be published in Philosophical Transactions. Leibniz was a German mathematician and philosopher who contributed significantly to the development of each field among others (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz).




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The Back-to-School Edition: Cesque 97

Welcome to the pre-modern blog carnival, Carnivalesque 97! Hosting the carnival has proved a welcome distraction from the busy-ness of a new academic year. It’s given me a great excuse to keep up with my blog reading.

The view from my office at the University of Saskatchewan.

The view from my office at the University of Saskatchewan.

In late summer, the pre-modernist’s mind lightly turns to thoughts of love (and sex and reproduction). Joanne Bailey has a fascinating two-part discussion on the significance of marital beds: “The bed and the emotional landscape of the household” and “Beds, marital sex and adultery“. Beds were at the heart of the household and had many practical and symbolic functions far beyond sex and sleeping. From Jennifer Evans at Early Modern Medicine, we learn about “A Very Sympathetic Husband” in 1691, who experienced the symptoms of pregnancy at the same time as his wife and how the Athenian Mercury explained it. Their marriage bed must have been particularly close. Catherine Rider at Recipes Project shares some “Medieval Fertility and Pregnancy Tests“: what, I wonder, would the sympathetic husband’s test have shown?

The Dittrick Museum Blog has an interesting series on eighteenth-century midwifery, but of particular note are the ones on material history. Brandy Schillace, for example, looks at the myths surrounding and uses of “Mystery Instruments” (forceps) in early modern childbirth. Cali Buckley considers “The Elusive Past of Ivory Anatomical Models” for understanding the anatomy of childbearing. The Chirurgeon’s Apprentice post on “Renaissance Rhinoplasty” might not seem to have much in common with sex, but rhinoplasty fulfilled a need that was directly connected to the spread of syphilis in the early modern world. Not everyone–then or now–could afford the luxury of an eighteenth-century condom, which was recently for sale at Christies

A school master is sitting at a table pointing at some books, at which a young boy is looking and attempting to explain. Etching by J. Bretherton after H.W. Bunbury, 1799. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A school master is sitting at a table pointing at some books, at which a young boy is looking and attempting to explain. Etching by J. Bretherton after H.W. Bunbury, 1799. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

After summer days of wine and roses (or, writing and research), scholars inevitably stumble onto the misty paths of historiography and methodology. In Cesque 96, Until Darwin recommended the series on “The Future of History from Below” at The Many-headed Monster. I’ll recommend it again, as it has continued throughout the month of August with lots of exciting posts. It’s worth reading the whole series, but for the most recent medieval and early modern perspectives, see:

Several posts this month considered the ‘how to’ of studying the past. In “The Divine Rebirth of Raphael’s Madonna of the Goldfinch“, Hasan Niyazi at 3PipeProblem describes step-by-step how a painting was created, destroyed and restored. Ben Breen at Res Obscura provides a useful overview of how to read early modern texts in “Why does ‘s’ look like ‘f'”, while Eloise Lemay answers the question “what do paleographers do?“.

Andrea Cawelti at Houghton Library Blog (“Double Vision“) and Anke Timmermann (“Now you see it? No you don’t! Images in Alchemical Manuscripts“) at Recipes Project offer cautionary tales about how we interpret texts, as they wonder if what they see in their primary sources would have been meaningful to early modern readers.

A depressed scholar surrounded by mythological figures; representing the melancholy temperament. Etching by J.D. Nessenthaler after himself, c. 1750. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A depressed scholar surrounded by mythological figures; representing the melancholy temperament. Etching by J.D. Nessenthaler after himself, c. 1750. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

As we once again hoist our book-laden bags or hunch over student essays, it is perhaps not surprising that we start to think about embodiment. Over at Hooke’s London, Felicity Henderson looks at the scientific and craft methods that Robert Hooke saw and recorded in the seventeenth century (“Artists and Craftsmen in Hooke’s London”, part 1 and part 2). In an article for The Appendix, Mark Hailwood tries to understand how seventeenth-century people would have heard drinking songs–his conclusion might surprise you! (It makes perfect sense to me. I use a football stadium version of La Marseillaise when teaching the French Revolution.) From The Cookbook of Unknown Ladies, we have a tasty experiment in cooking eighteenth-century salamagundi and lemon cheesecake.

On a more theoretical level, Sonja Boon asks us to contemplate what our bodies tell us “about the material [we] were exploring, but also about embodied knowledge”, while Serena Dyer reflects on “Experiencing the Past: Historical Re-enactment as Historical Practice“. Thought-provoking questions–just the way to start the week!

But I’ll end on a lighter note, with some interesting characters and tantalizing tidbits. Did you know that the East India Company set up an army of babies in the late eighteenth century? That there were sixteenth-century Irish Hipsters? And that the earliest known example of Latin writing by a woman was that of Claudia Severa in north England? Or let me tempt you with a “Swan Supper on the Thames“, recipes with “worm-eaten mushrooms” and the significance of “the big bad bean” in Antiquity…

Wishing you all a fine start to the new academic year! May you remain full of beans.

Two school masters are brought to the ground by a rope pulled across their path by pupils on each side of the corridor. Coloured etching by Thomas Rowlandson after himself, 1811. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Two school masters are brought to the ground by a rope pulled across their path by pupils on each side of the corridor. Coloured etching by Thomas Rowlandson after himself, 1811. Image Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Cesque #98 will be held at Medieval Bex in October. Please send your nominations for the next edition here. It’s never to early to start nominating posts.

 

 

Letter 2385

Carl Gyllenborg to Hans Sloane – March 24, 1720


Item info

Date: March 24, 1720
Author: Carl Gyllenborg
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4045
Folio: f. 308



Original Page



Transcription

Gyllenborg informs Sloane that Count Tessin has been sent by the Swedish King ‘to be acquainted with all persons of worth and learning in your country’. He asks that Sloane treat the man well and attests to his character. Count Carl Gyllenborg (1679-1746) was a Swedish playwright and statesman. He studied at Uppsala University, served in the army, and was stationed at the Swedish Embassy in London before being elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1711. Gyllenborg’s wife, Sarah, had ties with the Jacobites and aroused the government’s suspicion in 1717. The pair were arrested for alleged involvement in a plot against the House of Hanover. Gyllenborg returned to Sweden, working at the universities of Lund and Uppsala until his death (https://collections.royalsociety.org/DServe.exe?dsqIni=Dserve.ini&dsqApp=Archive&dsqCmd=Show.tcl&dsqDb=Persons&dsqPos=0&dsqSearch=%28Surname%3D%27gyllenborg%27%29).




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