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Domesticity and Astronomy in Eighteenth-Century England

This past week has been an exciting time for portents! What with a meteor blasting into Russia, an asteriod passing close to earth, St. Peter’s Basilica being struck by lightning, and the Pope resigning, early modern people would have been getting a bit nervous…[1] As it is, some people believe that the lightning strike was a sign that God approves the Pope’s decision. Perhaps we live in a more optimistic era.

There are several letters in the Sloane Correspondence database about early modern astronomy, although only two that mention comets.[2] By the eighteenth century, there was a growing shift away from seeing dramatic astronomical events as portents. Clergyman William Derham (1657-1735), for example, wrote to Sloane regularly about natural philosophy and his letters (dated 28 March 1706) reveal a careful attention to matters of fact rather than a concern with religious signs.[3]

“Part of a Letter from the Reverend Mr W Derham, F.R.S. Concerning a Glade of Light Observed in the Heavens”. Philosophical Transactions, vol. 25, no. 305 (1706), p. 2221.

In one of Derham’s letters, which also appeared in the Philosophical Transactions (vol. 25, 1706), he described his star-gazing just before Easter. While observing the satellites of Saturn, he spotted a “glade of light” in the constellation of Taurus. The light had a tail like a comet, but a pointy upper end instead of a rounded one. This, Derham was certain, was similar to what Joshua Childrey and Giovanni Domenico Cassini had observed. When the following nights were cloudy, Derham was unable to spot the glade again–and, although Easter Day was fair, he “forgot it unluckily then”. By the time he was next able to look at the skies, the glade of light was gone.

This was the only bit of Derham’s rather long letter that was published in the Phil. Trans. this time. In the letter, Derham also dicussed sunspots and requested advice about his wife’s eye problems. This was typical of many of Sloane’s correspondents, whose letters blurred the boundaries between scholarly, social and medical matters.

Anna Derham, aged about 31, was suffering from eye problems. Sloane had recommended that she take a variety of medicines, including a purge (and rather revoltingly, woodlice), in addition to eye drops. The eye drops, Derham reported, did not agree with his wife and had caused an inflammation. The purge, moreover, had left Mrs. Derham with violent pains spreading from above her eye to throughout her head and face. Derham believed that the eye medicine had resulted in his wife’s cornea wasting away. The outcome of the eye problem was not noted, but a letter from later that year (30 August 1706) mentioned Mrs. Derham’s increasingly severe headaches, which worried both her and her husband. Whether her health improved (or Derham simply distrusted Sloane’s advice in this case) is unclear, but Derham did not mention his wife’s health again until November 1710 when he feared that she might die from peripneumonia. (Mrs. Derham didn’t, managing to outlive her husband.)

What strikes me as particularly interesting in Derham’s account is the small detail that he forgot to look at the skies on Easter Sunday. As a clergyman, he was no doubt very busy in the week leading up to and including Easter. It would be entirely understandable that he might forget… but he did manage to look out his telescope in the nights prior to Easter.

The rather pressing matter of his wife’s health, on the other hand, is the most likely reason. It’s clear that her symptoms were alarming and disabling (as would have been the treatments, as purges kept one very close to the chamberpot). To compound the domestic disruption, the couple had four children between the ages of two and six in 1706. At the very least, Derham was monitoring his wife’s health and overseeing her medical care.[4] Even with domestic help, Mrs. Derham’s poor health would have posed a challenge for the household at the best of times, but even more so at the busiest time of year for a clergyman’s family.

Early modern scientific endeavours often took place within the early modern household, meaning that these activities were inevitably subject to the rhythms and disruptions of daily life. With his ill wife, several young children, and Easter duties, Derham simply did not have time to remember.

 

[1] For other recent blogging on historical comets, see Darin Hayton on “Meteorites and Comets in Pre-Modern Europe” and Rupert Baker on the comets in the Philosophical Transactions (“Watch the Skies“).

[2] The other letter was from Leibniz (5 May 1702), which was an account in Latin of a newly discovered comet.

[3] On Derham and his family, see Marja Smolenaars, “Derham, William (1657-1735)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press, 2004. [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011.]

[4] For more on men’s medical caregiving roles within the family, see my article “The Relative Duties of a Man: Domestic Medicine in England and France, ca. 1685-1740”, Journal of Family History 31, 3 (2006): 237-256.

Letter 2459

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – March 3, 1720/21


Item info

Date: March 3, 1720/21
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 70-71



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 70] Hon:d Sir Your extensive knowledge in Naturell History induces be to beleive that the least part of it has not escaped your Curiouse inquiry which putts one upon taking the freedome to kind you a small Collection of mosses & wish you as much pleasure in perusing thm as I had in collecting them; there are not many of the Common ones unles such as are rarely met with instead. The sevear Frosts for six weeks by past have intirely spoyld all prospect of Spring Moss Croping so that looking the small number over which I collected last spring I have sent you the best Collection I can at present make out, which I desire when you have a leasure sooner to last […]merable lye upon till I can send you a letter, which I hope to do if I live to see an other season. My old friend the Consul when he favoured me with his company at his place was the first who put me upon this inquiry which was [?] much better there I [?] considering they have been mostly discoverd in the [?] of three miles from this place a few from Craven & Lancashire excepted & I doubt not but as great a member has been past [?] om the same compass. I know your stone is very valluable to you, & at present being confined to my [?] by a gentle fitt of the [?] have more leasure time upon my hands then usuall to serve my friends in some past particulars, therefore have fixed the mosses upon papers I sent you & added to as many of them as I think Mr Ray has observed his names at length & some few of Mr Bobarts & the rest which I think are not mentiond by any one I have added names of my own I find Signieur Micheli of Florence proposes to print his 50 nova plantaru genera in 30 copper plates wherein he assures us we shall have of Lichenes museo Fungi & musei to the number of 350 which if he performe without multiplying species (as most have don already who have wrote upon this subject) he wil discover more by sea then all have don before him Italy no doubt affords a vast number of Fungi which are strangers to us & are more peculiare to hot Countrys mosses seem to delight in places more remout from the Sun the small inquirys I have made nigh home without the least assistance almost assures me that if our country of [?] was diligently searched it would alone afford more mosses then all Italy. High mountains shady woods & deep Cloughs which the Sun scarce affects in sumer are the most promising places for discoverys of this kind. I have added to them a specimen or two of Alsine latifolia montana flore laciniato CBP which I have found nigh this place in abundance, which Mr. Ray has not noted to be of the growth of our Island & assure a specimen or two of a very beautyfull Capillary which I lately found on some shady moyst rocks not far of in my searches for mosses which I take to be [?]. the mosses are sent by John Hall a Bradford Carier who Inns at the White Horse nigh Cripplegate & wil be in London on Wednesday night. they are packt up betwixt two Boards & directed for you. [fol. 70v] I am very much obliged to you for your last kind letter I had returnd my thanks for it sooner but was very desirouse to add my mite to your most compleat [?] nothing in this world could have been a more agreeable entertainment to me then a through viewe of it, which I hope still one time or other to be so happy as to see. I wish at your leasure you would let me know what Birds Eggs you want which are to be met with in the North & I wil endeavoure to serve you. I have formerly sent some to Mr Dandridge John Scheuchzers Books are come to me in the time of my confinement, (viz) Specimen Agrestographia his Agrestographie [?] & his Agrestographia, I generally have an account from some of my friends when any Books in Nat: Hist: come out of moment & I generally procure the[m], there are some of the old ons that I have not hither to been able to meet with some of German works (viz of his small treatesses) Wagner’s Historia Naturalis Helvetia Schwenekfeltis Cat. Thorpin et fossilin Helvetia Fabÿ Columna phytobasanos, Tregi Historia Cameraro[…] Epitomen [?] with some few more. Looking over part of the Consuls Collection of plants when I was last at London I tould him that I hoped shortly to see his pinax appear abroad he tould me he still labourd at it & had advanced prety far towards it but that without the assistance of one of his Freinds he should scarce be able to compleat it & that it was assured no foreigner could ever pretend to do it. I imediatly askt him who it was, he told me without the perusall of Dr pluquenets & petivers Collections of plants which were mow in your hands he could not be able to go through with it, & that since these Collections were reduced into no method & most of them without names, he could not reduce them to Classes nor adjust theire Synoymas unles he had the Collection by him. I know we have no person in England capable of such an undertaking except your selfe & the Consul. & since your time is much more advantagiously employd for the good of mankind I flatter my selfe that you who we all own to be the great patron of that Learning wil be ready to promoat a Worke of so much use to Botany & so much to the glory of our English Nation; if you think it reasonable to have them out of your Custody, you may be assured they wil be in such hands that you may have them returned upon the least notice; this freedome I take to acquaint you with what past & to name it to you though unknown to him & heartily wish that he may have no pretence to decline the Worke he has labourd at for so many years by part. by this time I may reasonably beleive I have wearied out a good share of your patience & that for the future you wil not desire such tediouse [?]. but be assured that it is the result of my due respect to you upon account of the freedome which you have always alowed your much obliged & obed: servant Ric: Richardson North Bierley mar. 3d 1720

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 0778

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – April 26, 1703


Item info

Date: April 26, 1703
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 121-122



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 121] Worthy Sr I had long agoe made answer to your kind letter if any thing has offers is lefte with your notice but my fearibes of late after Nat: Hist: have been very inconcidorable however out of that small collection of fossils I am now master of, I have sent you a litle box, among the rest you wil meet with a stone not very unlikly representing the dried boughs of some tree in Bas relat, which I take to be nue, this cannot be referred to Mr Lhwyts Asterapodia not being articulated, an other stone comes along with it which I beleive may be thither referred, but much larger & different from any he has figured, these are ablended with some other Fossils [?] Lithophyts, some of which you wil meet with amongst the Designes; with this comes my request to you for your assistance & directions in the case of a worthy gentlewoman, who has committed her selfe to my care & whose health I heartily wish for she is about 4g years of age, pretty Corpulent & of a sanguine constitution who formerly (dark)imd a good state of health but since the suppression of her menstuouse courses (which was (dark) two years agoe) she has found her selfe sometimes out of order with a difficulty in breathing but that trouble was not soe sensible to her as of late being now full Bodyed though I thinke not soe much as some weeks agoe & complains as if she was yirt aout under her stomach, this is attended with a very great difficulty in breathing, which is very troublesome to her especially in walking, she can endure the motion of a coach prety wel, which does very like disorder her, her stomach is prety good seldome complaining of any thing after eating, but upon an empty sto: :mach finds & uneasynesse & hollownesse which is the best remedyd by eating a litle, she sometimes complains of a faintnesse & lownesse of her spirits. Her urine is equall in quantity to the liquids she takes & often disposes a thick redy sedment, she generally breaths more freely towards night, her complexion is very cleare & has noe weight nor uneasynesse in the lower part of her body, her legs swels no more then theu have sometimes done in her health, which is very litle. She has formerly been incident to a flux of cold & hume some times on one side & sometimes the other of her heade upon any disorder, which now sometimes troubles her but generally goes of it by applying warme cloths to it. She sleeps prety wel, but often awakes in a faint sweat [(inter-line) her pulse is for the most part prety strong & regulare] this is the good Ladys case, as neare as I can describe it to you, which to mee seems purly Histericall; your Fee you wil finde in the box of Fossils, which John Houedesworth wil bring to your hands [?] a Broade not thinking it safe to inclose it in this letter [fol. 122] I desire you would favoure me with your thoughts upon this case & your directions by the first pat, if you can conveniently & if any alterations happen, you shall have a farther account as assure of the effects of your directions purging medicins had been prescribed her before I was consulted, Calibiate Tinctures Histerick medicins in several forms bitter wines & during drinkes with V cale: uu by the use of steel medicins the always grew worse which put her into a very uneal heats & quite hote away her stomach & though she continued the use of them for a conciderable time they would not all agree with her. I orderd her Antideerlutick & Diu: :relick medium in severall formes which have agreed with her very wel & though I doe perceive she is much better then of late yel I heartily with a more speedy methode might be found out for her recovery prey let me alsoe have your opinion about the use of the Bath water or german spaw water in this case, your speedy answer to this case wil very much oblige Your obed: servant Ric: Richardson North Bierley Ap: 26 703

Richardson sends a small box of fossils that he has worked with. He includes a description of them.

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Unnamed (Woman)
    Gender:
    Age:49 years old.
  • Description

    'Pretty corpulent'; sanguine constitution. Formerly prone to fluxes of colds; legs previously swelled often, but no longer.

  • Diagnosis

    Trouble breathing, especially when walking (but she can ride in a coach). On an empty stomach, suffers uneasiness, hollowness, faintness, and low spirits. Her urine 'is equal in quantity to the liquids of the lakes', with red sediment. Awakes in faint sweats. Richardson's diagnosis: 'The good ladys case, as neare as I can describe it to you... to mee seems purely hystericall'.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    Has been given 'hysterick medicines', bitter wines, and drying drinks.


    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:

    The medicines, wines, and drinks have always made her worse and put her into a great heat. See also: Sloane MS 4039 f. 125.

  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Urinary, Emotions, Hysteria, Lungs, Menopause

Joshua Ward

Ward, Joshua (1684/5–1761), was a medical practitioner and inventor of medicines, both admired and vilified by his peers. He started his medical career working with his brother William as a drysalter in Thames Street, London, where he presumably gained some useful experience in the properties of drugs.

He fled to France in 1715, apparently due to his sympathy towards the Jacobite cause. However in the same year he was elected as MP for Marlborough, after one of two rival mayors got hold of the election writ and inserted Ward’s name. Ward was returned from France even though no one had voted for him but in May 1717 he was unseated on petition.

Ward remained in France for about sixteen years, spending time near Paris and among the English colony at Dunkirk. In 1725 he was co-defendant with his brother John in an action brought in England by the widow of John Sheffield, first duke of Buckingham and Normanby, over some alum works the duke had earlier leased to them. It emerged that John Ward had cheated the duke out of £70,000, only £10,000 being recovered, and he was convicted of fraud and forgery; being abroad, Joshua Ward escaped blame.

While in France, Ward invented the medicines known as Ward’s Pill and Ward’s Drop. The composition of these and other nostrums, such as sweating drops and paste for fistula, varied greatly over the years, but essentially the pills contained antimony and a vegetable substance—dragon’s blood—mixed with wine, whereas the drops comprised a fearsome brew of nitric acid, ammonium chloride, and mercury. Those taking such remedies, in an age when cupping and blistering were regular treatments, thought that the resulting heavy perspiration, vomiting, or purging had beneficial effects. After receiving a pardon from George II, Ward returned to England in 1734, settled in London, and overnight became the talk of the town.

Ward’s reputation was greatly enhanced by royal patronage. He spotted that the king’s painful thumb was not gouty but dislocated, and cured it with a violent wrench. For this he was rewarded with the use of an apartment in the almony office, Whitehall, and the privilege of driving through St James’s Park. Ward was also adept at puffing himself, asserting in press advertisements his ability to cure gout, rheumatism, scurvy, palsy, syphilis, scrofula, and cancer. He converted three houses near St James’s Park into a hospital for the poor, and set up a further treatment centre in Threadneedle Street, in the City of London. He subsidized these activities by charging the rich what they could afford.

He was widely accused of hiring ‘patients’ at half a crown a week and instructing them on how to simulate the symptoms of diseases; better-dressed impostors were said to arrive in their coaches and throng his consulting-rooms for 5s. a day. The large sums he contributed to charity—put at over £3000 a year—and the coins he regularly threw from his carriage only fanned hostility towards him. The Grub Street Journal, in articles from 1734 onwards, repeated verbatim in the Gentleman’s Magazine, at first reasonably attacked the public’s indiscriminate use of the medicines, but later castigated him openly as the friend of undertakers, coffin makers, and sextons by poisoning the sick. Ward responded by taking the journal to court on charges of libel—inadvisedly, as it turned out, as his scant medical knowledge was revealed and his case was thrown out, the defendants gleefully commemorating their victory in prose and doggerel.

Among men of letters, reactions to Ward and his activities were decidedly mixed. Henry Fielding commended his powers of curing the poor with no expectation of reward, in his Voyage to Lisbon (1755), and Horace Walpole approved of the way in which Ward relieved headaches with a dab of ointment on the forehead. Edward Gibbon as a sickly twelve-year-old was successfully treated by Ward during a life-threatening illness. On the other hand Alexander Pope satirized Ward as a despicable quack at least four times in his verses. In William Hogarth’s ‘The Company of Undertakers’, Ward is depicted with the surgeon and oculist John Taylor (1703–1772) and the notorious bone-setter Mrs Mapp as an impudent fraud.

In 1748, when the House of Commons debated a bill to control apothecaries and others who were dispensing adulterated drugs, Ward petitioned the house, alleging that over the past fifteen years he had had no fewer than 2000 patients under his care, 300 being soldiers; he was duly exempted in the bill, which was rejected in the House of Lords.

Ward’s notoriety for his pills and his treatment of the sick overshadowed his scientific experiments. He had two trained assistants, John White and F. J. D’Osterman, with whose help in 1736 he began to make sulphuric acid at Twickenham, in what were known as the ‘Great Vitriol Works’. Ward died at his home in Whitehall, London, on 21 December 1761, his fortune being estimated at £16,000, with £5000 earmarked in bequests, mainly to relatives.

 

Reference:

N. N to Hans Sloane, 1735-08-27, Sloane MS 4054, f. 95, British Library, London

T. A. B. Corley, ‘Ward, Joshua (1684/5–1761)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/28697, accessed 3 Sept 2017]



Dates: to

Occupation: Unknown

Relationship to Sloane: Virtual International Authority File:

Letter 0758

Richard Richardson to John Woodward – July 8, 1702


Item info

Date: July 8, 1702
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: John Woodward

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 4-5



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 4] North Bierley July 8 702 Sir/ I received yours sometime agoe & am very much obliged to you for the offer of your assistance in order to a collection of naturel raritys; tis very likely you have duplicats of severall curiositiys often brought you to be sold when that happens doe me the favoure to be a purchase for me & I wil very thankfully disburst whatever you lay out upon my account any thing in naturell History cannot come amiss but in medals I doe not intent to concerne my selfe my collection of Bookes in Nat: Hist: is but very inconciderable being but an nue beginer in that way unles in Botany, & of that sort I am prety wel provided, though I want severall late Authors. I have nothing of Dr Turniforts unles his Cat: of the garden at paris & of Dr plucknets I have only the 3 parts of his phytographia of Boccon I have nothing but his Ion: el discription: plantaru put out by Dr Morison Dr Sherard tels me he wil helpe me with his 2 last volumes father plumes Booke I have not nor Rivinus his ordo plataru; I have Aldovandi opera omnia Gesneri opera Musica Wormiani Prontuis’s history of East & West Indies & of Brasil Dr plots Nat: Hist of oxfordshire & staffordshire & Dr Leigh of Lancashire if worthy to be named amongst the rest, alsoe whatever Mr Ray & Dr Lister have written only his synopsis Conchilieru. Muffets theatru Insectaru, & Willoughbys Ornithologia, Mr Lhwyd Lythophysucia Dr Woodswards Booke with what has been writen against it & Harry’s vindication there are the those of my small stock which I am very desirouse to increase if you meet with any Bookes in this way (without giving your selfe trouble) that wil be instructive to me you shall be thankfully be repayed I have litle to offer to you in relation to coale plants but what Mr Lhwyd has already printed severall years agoe he sent me 2 or 3 of them out of Wales, which put me upon the Curiosity of inquiring what our Coalemines might produce & by good fate the first day fell upon the place where afterwards I found them in great plenty & though I have not been idle since in searching whenever I found coalemines, yet never had the fortune to succeed elsewheare, the place is now quite deserted, soe that I have litle hopes of procuring any more from thence these impresses are found in a bluish stone about 7 or 8 foot above the coale where this stone lys deepe you rarely meet with any, the greatest depth I ever found them here is about 30 foot from the superficies of the earth; in dignig [sic] severall pitts to draine the water from the Coale in this place I had the advantage of observing, that where the stone was softest which was always nigh the top of the earth there I found the greatest plenty of these stoaneplants which would seem I favoure Mr Lhwyds Hypothesis about the origin of these Bodys [fol. 5] if they would agree upon comparing with the capilarys of this country but soe far from that that I never yet met with one Ferne that did in all respects exactly agree with any of these fossil plants & to believe that the essentiall part of the seed of these plants should be brought hither by rains from far countrys & deposited in the Bowels of the earth to soe as to produce plants, seems lyable to a great many objection, however the notion is ingeniouse enough that these receive theire formes from real plants I am fully convinced, having often met with the plant upon opening some of these stones but always very thin & membranouse & apt to be blowne away with the least winde how these plants came Hither I shall leave our friend D. W. to determine, who I hope in his large worke when it comes out wil give us ample satisfaction about this affaire but that the plants themselves were driven hither from remoate parts in Noahs flood & to remaine soe intire when all hard bodys were desolved as to give benig [sic] to these figures I feare wil not be very easy to account for & why 1000 capilarys are found for one […] plants in this stone I cannot give any satisfactory reason unles we should say severall of these retaine theire leaves all winter, when those of other plants & trees are fallen and corrupted if we should allowe this why then are not the leaves of Hollys Joy yew Juniper Broome & other evergreens found here which are all over this country in plenty but noe representation of any of these ever to be met with that I knowe of amongst our fossil plants the thicknesse of the stone where they are found varys, the deeper it lays the thicker & harder & vice versa where it is within 10 or 12 foot of the surface of the earth it is not above 3 or 4 foot thick but where 40 or 5 foot deepe perhaps 8 or 10 thick within this stone are often found small Iron stones with the figurs of plants upon them which can scarce be reconciled to the Dr not in of specifick gravity & levity of which you shall have specimens when I have a collection worth sending. there impresses are found in the midle of a redish stone dug up in the coalmines at nue Castle of a Lenticulare figure which the workemen there call CatsHead some of these I have seen in Mr Thoresbys collection Dr Listers pectenites umbratilip is prety plentifull in these parts, & lys immediatly above the coale sometimes a foot thick & often two, but where this prevails the miners always looke upon the coale to be bad, & as they terme it cats out the coale it wil not be easy to refer this to any shell I ever sawe, but I feare I have too long detained you with this discourse towards the end of the next month I wil send you a parcel of dried plants & hope that before that time to pick up some curiositys to send you along with them which shall be the endeavours of Worthy Sir your much obliged servant Ric: Richardson

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 4532

Cromwell Mortimer to Hans Sloane – August 11, 1732


Item info

Date: August 11, 1732
Author: Cromwell Mortimer
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 162-163



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 162] Aug. 11. 1732. Honour’d Sr I have talked with my father about taking an house, wch he approves of, but I dont find he can fix for me any certain Allowance: he is much surprized at my freinds not making use of me, when he says he hath always heard them speak favorably of me: indeed this Disappointment hath made me much more concern’d than formerly; for I am almost without hopes of succeeding in my profession. I am now at Chelmsford where I find by ye News-papers yt Dr. Harris is dead, wherefore I take this liberty of reminding you yt if you think me a proper person for those Lectures wch he used to read at e college, I would thankfull accept yt office, & be obliged to you to propose me to ye Electors, wch will be a great addition to the many favours, you have already bestowed upon me, who have so little merited them at your hands; but was I once in a good prospect of busin[…] I should with cheerfullness endeaver to […] all possible returns for your freindship to me. My father thinks it proper for […] to visit all ye Neighbouring Gentlemen who are in ye country at present, wch […] have detained me so long, & I doubt will keep me a week longer before I should have made my round: butt if you […] it better for me to come to town […]er, I can on notice of it come immediately. I am Sr your most obliged hum[…] Servant C Mortimer

Cromwell Mortimer (c.1693-1752) was a physician and antiquary who gained his MD at Leiden University. He became Licentiate at the Royal College of Physicians in 1725, Fellow of the Royal Society in 1728, and Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians in 1729. In 1729, at the request of Sir Hans Sloane, he moved to Bloomsbury Square to assist him in prescribing medicine for his patients (W. P. Courtney, Mortimer, Cromwell (c.16931752), rev. Michael Bevan, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/19341, accessed 2 Aug 2013]).




Patient Details

Letter 0757

Richard Richardson to Hans Sloane – July 8, 1702


Item info

Date: July 8, 1702
Author: Richard Richardson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 4-5



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 4] North Bierley July 8 702 Sir/ I received yours sometime agoe & am very much obliged to you for the offer of your assistance in order to a collection of naturel raritys; tis very likely you have duplicats of severall curiositiys often brought you to be sold when that happens doe me the favoure to be a purchase for me & I wil very thankfully disburst whatever you lay out upon my account any thing in naturell History cannot come amiss but in medals I doe not intent to concerne my selfe my collection of Bookes in Nat: Hist: is but very inconciderable being but an nue beginer in that way unles in Botany, & of that sort I am prety wel provided, though I want severall late Authors. I have nothing of Dr Turniforts unles his Cat: of the garden at paris & of Dr plucknets I have only the 3 parts of his phytographia of Boccon I have nothing but his Ion: el discription: plantaru put out by Dr Morison Dr Sherard tels me he wil helpe me with his 2 last volumes father plumes Booke I have not nor Rivinus his ordo plataru; I have Aldovandi opera omnia Gesneri opera Musica Wormiani Prontuis’s history of East & West Indies & of Brasil Dr plots Nat: Hist of oxfordshire & staffordshire & Dr Leigh of Lancashire if worthy to be named amongst the rest, alsoe whatever Mr Ray & Dr Lister have written only his synopsis Conchilieru. Muffets theatru Insectaru, & Willoughbys Ornithologia, Mr Lhwyd Lythophysucia Dr Woodswards Booke with what has been writen against it & Harry’s vindication there are the those of my small stock which I am very desirouse to increase if you meet with any Bookes in this way (without giving your selfe trouble) that wil be instructive to me you shall be thankfully be repayed I have litle to offer to you in relation to coale plants but what Mr Lhwyd has already printed severall years agoe he sent me 2 or 3 of them out of Wales, which put me upon the Curiosity of inquiring what our Coalemines might produce & by good fate the first day fell upon the place where afterwards I found them in great plenty & though I have not been idle since in searching whenever I found coalemines, yet never had the fortune to succeed elsewheare, the place is now quite deserted, soe that I have litle hopes of procuring any more from thence these impresses are found in a bluish stone about 7 or 8 foot above the coale where this stone lys deepe you rarely meet with any, the greatest depth I ever found them here is about 30 foot from the superficies of the earth; in dignig [sic] severall pitts to draine the water from the Coale in this place I had the advantage of observing, that where the stone was softest which was always nigh the top of the earth there I found the greatest plenty of these stoaneplants which would seem I favoure Mr Lhwyds Hypothesis about the origin of these Bodys [fol. 5] if they would agree upon comparing with the capilarys of this country but soe far from that that I never yet met with one Ferne that did in all respects exactly agree with any of these fossil plants & to believe that the essentiall part of the seed of these plants should be brought hither by rains from far countrys & deposited in the Bowels of the earth to soe as to produce plants, seems lyable to a great many objection, however the notion is ingeniouse enough that these receive theire formes from real plants I am fully convinced, having often met with the plant upon opening some of these stones but always very thin & membranouse & apt to be blowne away with the least winde how these plants came Hither I shall leave our friend D. W. to determine, who I hope in his large worke when it comes out wil give us ample satisfaction about this affaire but that the plants themselves were driven hither from remoate parts in Noahs flood & to remaine soe intire when all hard bodys were desolved as to give benig [sic] to these figures I feare wil not be very easy to account for & why 1000 capilarys are found for one […] plants in this stone I cannot give any satisfactory reason unles we should say severall of these retaine theire leaves all winter, when those of other plants & trees are fallen and corrupted if we should allowe this why then are not the leaves of Hollys Joy yew Juniper Broome & other evergreens found here which are all over this country in plenty but noe representation of any of these ever to be met with that I knowe of amongst our fossil plants the thicknesse of the stone where they are found varys, the deeper it lays the thicker & harder & vice versa where it is within 10 or 12 foot of the surface of the earth it is not above 3 or 4 foot thick but where 40 or 5 foot deepe perhaps 8 or 10 thick within this stone are often found small Iron stones with the figurs of plants upon them which can scarce be reconciled to the Dr not in of specifick gravity & levity of which you shall have specimens when I have a collection worth sending. there impresses are found in the midle of a redish stone dug up in the coalmines at nue Castle of a Lenticulare figure which the workemen there call CatsHead some of these I have seen in Mr Thoresbys collection Dr Listers pectenites umbratilip is prety plentifull in these parts, & lys immediatly above the coale sometimes a foot thick & often two, but where this prevails the miners always looke upon the coale to be bad, & as they terme it cats out the coale it wil not be easy to refer this to any shell I ever sawe, but I feare I have too long detained you with this discourse towards the end of the next month I wil send you a parcel of dried plants & hope that before that time to pick up some curiositys to send you along with them which shall be the endeavours of Worthy Sir your much obliged servant Ric: Richardson

Richardson was a physician and botanist who traveled widely in England, Wales, and Scotland in search of rare specimens. He corresponded and exchanged plants with many well-known botanists and naturalists (W. P. Courtney, Richardson, Richard (16631741), rev. Peter Davis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/23576, accessed 31 May 2011]).




Patient Details

Sir Hans Sloane, Abbé Bignon and Mrs. Hickie’s Pigeons

In 1720, Dr. Den. Hickie complained to Sloane about an ongoing dispute with a neighbour:

the Lord of the Manor who is intent upon me as a stranger to do me prejudice & particularly in destroying a few pigeons that my wife has always kept without molestation since first shee bought her estate in this Countrey.

The country in this case referred to France, not just the countryside. Dr and Mrs Hickie had moved to Meulan sur Seine from London. It was “the profes that you have given me of your friendship whilest I resided & practiced in London”, Hickie wrote, that “encourages me to take the liberty of importuning you at present”. Hickie reminded Sloane that the friendship had not been one way, as he had been sending his observations to the Royal Society on Sloane’s directions.

Sloane might not seem the obvious choice to assist with a neighbourly dispute in France, until Hickie specified who is neighbour was: one of the Abbé Bignon’s brothers. By 1720, Sloane and the Abbé had been regular correspondents for over twenty-five years (which Ann-Marie Hansen discusses in another post). Although Hickie had met the Abbé in person and been received upon Sloane’s “acc[oun]t wth a great deal of civility & friendship”, he clearly was not in a position to ask the Abbé directly for assistance. But he hoped that Sloane would intercede with the Abbé on his behalf:

a word speakeing from the Abbé at his Brother is enough to free me from the disturbance that this man designes to give me therefore I hope that you’ld contribute to protect me by your recommendation.

This is a letter that highlights the complicated routes that patronage might take. One could not just approach someone of the Abbé’s standing on a limited acquaintance, especially in France where the rules of patronage were even more stringent than in England. An intermediary was crucial. And who better than the one who had introduced Hickie to the Abbé in the first place?

But… it’s really the dispute over pigeons in this letter that captures my interest.

A rather fine pigeon. From John Moore, A Treatise on Domestic Pigeons (1765). Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A rather fine pigeon. From John Moore, A Treatise on Domestic Pigeons (1765). Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Pigeons were not just valuable livestock, but one that owners (or “fanciers” as they even called themselves in the 1700s) seemed to hold in great affection. The most common use of pigeons was for food, which provided a steady supply of meat year round. In his Columbarium: or, the pigeon-house (London, 1735),

John Moore argued that pigeon dung was particularly important for fertilizing crops, making medicines, tanning leather and producing salt-petre. The dung was so good that it “challengeth the Priority, not only of the Dung of Fowls, but of all other Creatures whatsoever, on the accont of its usefulness in human Life.” Moore’s chapter on treating pigeon distempers suggests the lengths that fanciers might go to care for their pigeons: special diets, imported ingredients (such as tobacco) and attentive nursing. The attack on Mrs Hickie’s pigeons must have been upsetting for the Hickies on several levels.

Alhough Hickie suggested that Bignon was attacking the pigeons because the Hickies were not local (a natural fear for anyone living in a foreign land), the reasons are likely far more complicated. Whereas there were no regulations on who might own pigeons in eighteenth-century England, French law was very clear–only lords of the manor had the right to keep or kill pigeons. This feudal right was considered to be such a fundamental mark of inequality that it was revoked in the second article of the 4 August Decrees of 1789, which were passed by the National Assembly to settle peasant unrest in the countryside during the French Revolution.

It’s unclear which brother Hickie meant, but all three brothers were firmly entrenched in the aristocracy: Louis was the Major General of the King’s Armies, Jérôme III was the Intendant of Amiens and Armand Roland was the Intendant of Paris. Such men would not have looked kindly upon mere commoners, however well-to-do, keeping pigeons.

Hickie may have been astute enough to spot the need for an intermediary in the dispute, but he had made a classic ex-pat mistake of fundamentally missing an important cultural difference. What would have been a simple matter of bad neighbourliness in England was at the heart of aristocratic privilege in France.

Introducing Sir Hans Sloane

Sir Hans Sloane. Mezzotint by J. Faber, junior, 1729, after Sir G. Kneller, 1716. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Introduction

This overview of Sir Hans Sloane’s life is intended to provide context for the correspondence, but you can find other stories about Sloane and his family in the blog posts, as well as searching the letters under the subject-heading ‘Sloane Family’.

Early Life

Hans Sloane was born in Killyleagh, Co. Down on 16 April 1660 to Protestant parents Alexander and Sarah Sloane. His father was an agent for James Hamilton (Viscount Claneboye, later Earl of Clanbrassil) and receiver-general of taxes for the county. During his lifetime, Sir Hans Sloane was well-known as a physician, scientist and collector. Today, his books, manuscripts, curiosities and plant specimens provide the foundation collections of the British Library, British Museum, Natural History Museum and Chelsea Physic Garden (all in London). An electoral ward in London (Hans Town) remains named after him, as do several streets around Sloane Square.

Education

Although his early schooling took place in Killyleagh, Sloane moved at the age of nineteen to London, where he studied medicine for the next four years. He then moved to Paris for three months, where he worked at the Jardin Royale des Plantes and the Hopital de la Charite. In 1683, he took his doctorate at the University of Orange, then attended the University of Montpellier until late May 1684. Sloane later received a doctor of medicine degree from the University of Oxford in 1701. Throughout his studies, Sloane was particularly interested in chemistry and botany, forming close relationships with well-known people in those fields: John Ray, Robert Boyle and Joseph Pitton de Tournefort.

Marriage

Sloane married Elizabeth Rose in 1695. As the daughter London alderman John Langley and widow of Fulk Rose of Jamaica, his wife brought significant property to the marriage: her father’s estate and an income from her late husband’s Jamaican properties. They had four children, two of whom survived until adulthood. Hans and Mary died as infants. Sarah married George Stanley of Paultons, Hampshire, while Elizabeth married Charles Cadogan, who would become the 2nd Baron Cadogan of Oakley. Sloane’s wife predeceased him in 1724.

Early Career

Hans_Sloane00Sloane returned to London to practice medicine. Thomas Sydenham, a physician noted for his application of scientific observation to medical cases, became an advocate for his career and introduced him to prospective patients. On April 13, 1687, Sloane was admitted as a fellow to the Royal College of Physicians, London.

In the same year, Sloane became the personal physician to Christopher Monck, the second duke of Albermarle. The Duke was leaving to become Governor of Jamaica and Sloane was eager for the opportunity to study new plants and drugs. Sloane was in Jamaica from December 1687 to March 1689. The Duke had died in October 1688, but his household was unable to return to England immediately because of the ongoing revolution. During his stay in Jamaica, Sloane kept notes about the weather, the landscape and the plants. He also collected samples, including 800 plants, many of which were new to Europe. Sloane remained in the employ of the Duchess of Albemarle for nearly four years before setting up his own practice in Bloomsbury, a fashionable part of London.

 

 

The Royal Society

Sloane was elected to the Royal Society in 1685 and remained an active member throughout his life. He played an extensive role in its administration. By 1695, he was Secretary. When he became Secretary in 1695, the Society appeared to be in a state of decline, with the Philosophical Transactions even lapsing for a time. Until 1712, Sloane was responsible for the continued publication of the Philosophical Transactions and for promoting the Society. He chased up members whose accounts were in arrears and encouraged donations, as well as corresponding extensively with scholars across the world. From 1727 to 1741, Sloane was President of the Society; he resigned at the age of eighty-one because of poor health.

Scholarship

Sloane kept the Royal Society at the centre of the learned world. He was well-connected with scholars across Europe, maintaining an extensive and detailed correspondence. Sloane did not write many books or articles, being busy with his medical practice and administrative commitments to the Royal Society. Even so, his contributions were regarded favourably. From the 1690s, Sloane wrote his observations from the West Indies for the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. Topics included philosophical-transactions-v1_510earthquakes and botany. In 1696, he published a catalogue of Jamaican plants, which he dedicated to the Royal Society and the Royal College of Physicians. The catalogue was well-received, providing a better system of naming plants and detailed descriptions. Sloane’s major work was the Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christophers, and Jamaica, with the natural history . . . of the last of those islands, the first volume of which was published in 1707 and the second volume in 1725. The book was recognised even outside England, receiving an excellent review in the French Journal des Sçavans.

 

 

Collections

Sloane started to build his collection during his trip to Jamaica, bringing back items such as plants, corals, minerals, insects and animals. By the 1690s, he also started to acquire other people’s collections, which included books, manuscripts and antiquities. He had extensive links with people travelling abroad, from Carolina to China, from whom he purchased items or with whom he exchanged samples and information. To keep track of his expanding collection, Sloane methodically catalogued every item in detail. As the collection grew, he also needed space, buying at first the house next door in Bloomsbury, then later a much larger property in Chelsea. For Sloane, the point was not simply to acquire items, but to study the natural world and to understand its medical applications. He also permitted anyone who was interested in the collection to view it.

Honours and Appointments

Sloane received a number of honours related to his practice of medicine. By 1705, the Edinburgh College of Physicians elected him as a fellow and from 1719 to 1735, he was the President of the Royal College of Physicians in London. In 1712, Sloane became Physician Extraordinary to the Queen, even attending her during her last illness in 1714, and was frequently called in to treat members of the royal family. George I named Sloane a Baronet in 1716, while George II made him Physician-in-Ordinary.

He was also recognised for his contributions in natural philosophy. In 1699, he became a correspondent of the French Académie Royale des Sciences and was named foreign associate in 1709. Several academies of science elected him as a foreign member: the Prussia (1712), St. Petersburg (1735), Madrid (1735) and Göttingen (1752). A medal from 1744 commemorated Sloane’s presidency of the Royal Society.

Medical Practice

Sloane’s patients were primarily from the middle and upper classes, coming from across the British Isles and, on chocolate-wrapoccasion, Europe. Although he was not known for being an innovator, he was respected for his careful observations and willingness to use new remedies once they proved helpful. He prescribed, for example, quinine (distilled from Peruvian Bark), invested in it heavily and wrote about it for the Philosophical Transactions. He was also instrumental in the adoption of smallpox inoculation in England, using it on his own family and successfully encouraging its use for the Royal Family. Sloane has also been widely linked to the promotion of milk chocolate as a remedy.

 

Charity

In addition to his Bloomsbury practice, Sloane was appointed as a physician of Christ’s Hospital from 1694 to 1730. Hospitals at this time were only for the care of the poor and Sloane donated his annual hospital salary back to Christ’s Hospital. Sloane also supported the Royal College of Physician’s dispensary, which aimed to provide inexpensive medicines and he ran a free surgery every morning. He was a member of the board of the Foundling Hospital and made significant donations to other hospitals.

Later Life

Sloane, 10 September 1740, Jonathan Richardson the Elder. Credit: Yale Center for British Art.

At the age of 79, Sloane suffered from a disorder with some paralysis, from which he did not recover. He retired to his home in Chelsea in 1742, where he remained until his death in 1753. The house in Chelsea was filled with his collections of books and curiosities, an early museum which the learned and well-to-do (including the Prince and Princess of Wales) made appointments to visit. It became his growing intention that his collections should be made publicly available and the collection was to be offered for sale to the King, the Royal Society, or to other specified institutions. After George II declined, the trustees petitioned successfully parliament to purchase the collection for the good of the nation at the cost of £20,000, a sum which went to his daughters. The true cost of the collection was valued at upwards of £80,000.

 

Selected References

Brooks, E. Sir Hans Sloane: The Great Collector and His Circle. London, 1954.

De Beer, G. R. Sir Hans Sloane and the British Museum. London, 1953.

Delbourgo, James. Collecting the World: The Life and Curiosity of Hans Sloane. London, 2017.

MacGregor, Arthur, ed. Sir Hans Sloane: Collector, Scientist, Antiquary, Founding Father of the British Museum. London, 1994.

MacGregor, Arthur. “Sloane, Sir Hans, baronet (1660—1753)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25730].

 

 

Letter 2728

William Derham to Hans Sloane – August 4, 1731


Item info

Date: August 4, 1731
Author: William Derham
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: ff. 293-294



Original Page



Transcription

Fol. 294 Hond Sr Upminster 4 Aug. 1731 I recd safely the Meteorological Observations you consigned to me, I am drawing up my Remarks upon them. I have also by one Mr Robies in N. England wch are very curious, & joined with Astro- nomical & others also some of wch con- cur wth my Observations before I left off. I have heard yt Mr Hawkesbee by the Socie- ties order kept a Register of the Weather, &c. wch I shall be glad to have, to compare wth those from Petersburgh, Sweden, Northamptonshire, &c And now give one save to ask yr favr on another acct, the case of my Daugr, your Patient some time since in a Green-sickness. She hath from month or more been severely tormented wth a Pain in her stomach, wch comes about 2 in the morning, swells the right side, & is so pained outwardly yt she as well as inwardly, yt she cant bear the touching of it, yt is sometimes convulsed. Sometimes wth this is off, a great pain shall be in her right Eye, wch affects her Stomach. She hath the Ca pretty regular, but in 3 weeks, & no great quantity. The Flux is just over, & only a Shew, by catching cold in the less Hot weather, by sitting wthout her usual clothes: Yester- day she was feavourish, restless & headach, & for some time before that hath have under a perfect prostraction of Appetite, hath a foul tast in her mouth. Her Pain in her stomach makes her afraid of Malt drink; Milk, Fruit, & for this half year [?]. She formerly had an Erupti- on in her [?] like a Fetter, wch now returned. I desire the favr of your speedy opinion, & whether you judge the Bath may be serviceable to her, wch some of out female- Doctors have advised. I am wth greatest respect & affection Yours Wm Derham Having lately recd Sr Tho: Derehams Italian Translation of my Astro-Theology, I shall soon write to him, & if you have any commands I shall readily convey them.

The ‘Mr Hawkesbee’ referred to in the letter is most likely Francis Hauksbee, Isaac Newton’s assistant.
Derham was a Church of England clergyman and a natural philosopher, interested in nature, mathematics, and philosophy. He frequently requested medical advice from Sloane, and likely served as a physician to his family and parishioners (Marja Smolenaars, Derham, William (16571735), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011]).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: Miss. Derham
    Gender:
    Age:
  • Description
  • Diagnosis

    Suffers from greensickness, stomach pain, eye pain, extreme fluctuations in body temperature, fever, restlessness, and headache.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    She was given a malt drink, milk, and fruit throughout the past year.


    Ongoing Treatment:

    Derham wonders whether baths waters would have a positive affect.


    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Greensickness, Stomach, Headache, Restlessness, Eyes, Pain, Fevers