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Letter 3355

Herman Boerhaave to Hans Sloane – July 2, 1727


Item info

Date: July 2, 1727
Author: Herman Boerhaave
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4048
Folio: ff. 319-320



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Herman Boerhaave was a Dutch physician, botanist, and humanist famous for his teaching at the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Leiden. He was a fellow of the Academie des sciences and the Royal Society (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herman_Boerhaave).




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Letter 3045

Benjamin Young to Hans Sloane – June 29, 1724


Item info

Date: June 29, 1724
Author: Benjamin Young
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: f. 195



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Young claims to be a gentleman by birth. His parents tried to give him the ‘most Liberall and most Ingenious’ education by sending him to St John’s College, Cambridge, which he calls ‘the English Athens’. He moved to London and worked for Denzil Holles (1599-1680), 1st Baron Holles, enjoying his time in the service of so great a man. Young is in a bad way in his old age and ‘wanting both friends, and money, food […] good Linnen, I mean shirts, Muzlin Neck cloths, and large coloured silke handkerchiefs and glasses’. He requests Sloane’s Christian sympathy and charity. His ‘Rent must be payd’. He claims that ‘Doctor Core knows me very well and hath been My good friend.’




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Letter 2380

Den. Hickie to Hans Sloane – March 16, 1719


Item info

Date: March 16, 1719
Author: Den. Hickie
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4045
Folio: ff. 298-299



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Hickie used to practice medicine in London and thanks Sloane for his favours. He hopes their friendship will continue. Hickie delivered ‘the observations of the Royal Society’ to their intended recipients, one of which was Abbe Bignon. He tells Sloane of the ‘molestation’ the ‘Lord of the Mannr’ perpetrated against him: ‘destroying a few pigeons my wife has always kept’. Hickie wants Sloane and the Bignon brothers to help him deal with this troublesome man.




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Letter 3163

Benjamin Franklin to Hans Sloane – June 2, 1725


Item info

Date: June 2, 1725
Author: Benjamin Franklin
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: f. 347



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[fol. 347] June 2 1725 Sir Having lately been in the Northern Parts of America, I have brought from thence a Purse made of the stone Asbestos, a Piece of the Stone, and a Piece of Wood, the Pithy Part of which is of the same Nature, and called by the Inhabitants salamander Cotton. As you are noted to be a Lover of Curiosities I have inform’d you of these, and if you have any Inclination to purchase them, or see em, let me know your Pleasure by a Line directed for me at the Golden Fan in Little Britain, and I will wait upon you with them. I am, Sir your most humble servant Benjamin Franklin P.S. I expect to be out of Town in 2 or 3 Days, and therefore beg an immediate Answer:

Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790) ran away from home at age 17 to work as a printer in Philadelphia and set off to London shortly thereafter. He worked as a typesetter near the Church of St Bartholomew-the-Great in Smithfield. The asbestos purse he gave Hans Sloane has remained in the latter’s collection to the present. He returned to America in 1726. Franklin became a noted scientist, writer, diplomat, statesman, and Founding Father of the United States of America (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin_Franklin).




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Letter 4319

A. Anderson to Hans Sloane – August 21, 1731


Item info

Date: August 21, 1731
Author: A. Anderson
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: ff. 310-314



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[fol. 310] Red Lion Street Clerkenwell, 21. Augt. 1731. Hond Sir In Obedience to your Commands, I herewith send you ye Books & papers relating to ye Society of which you are a Member; I am endeavouring to obtain some Account of ye New-England Society, when I will do my self the Honour to wait on You, or else to send it You. All the World is acquainted with your vertuous & publick-spirited Deeds; the Fame of Which, first encouraged our hon.ble Society to enroll your illustrious name in their Books; and still encourages them to hope for the Continuance of your Favour & Good-Offices. I have the Honour to be with profound Respect Hon:d Sir Your most devoted & most humble servt. A: Anderson [fol. 311] Copy Of a Minute of the General-Meeting of ye Gentlemen associated for executing Mr. D’Allone’s Will; by Instructing ye Negroes of the British Plantations in the Christian Religion: And also for settling parochial Libraries in Great Britain & Ireland; and for establishing a Charitable Colony in America. on ye 12th of August 1731. “Mr Anderson acquainting this Meeting that Sr. Hans Sloane, Bart: was very desireous of any authentick Materials relating to the Attempts which from time to time have been made from hence for converting the heathen & Infidel Parts of the World. Order’d That Mr. Anderson, be desired to wait on Sr Hans Sloane Bart: in the Name of this General Meeting, to acquaint him that they will speedily prepare & present him with a Manuscript Copy of a Work, intended to be published, Giving an Account of the Life of ye late Dr. Thomas Bray, so far as it relates to the many successfull Endeavours of him and others join’d with him, for Propagating the Christian Religion in those Parts: Together with some Account of the Proceedings and Designs of the Gentlemen associated as abovenamed.[“] [fol. 312] For Sr Hans Sloan, Bart. a Minute of ye Associates for Mr D’allone’s Legacy, & for other good purposes; relating to Dr. Bray’s &c. Attempts for Converting the Heathen & Infidel Parts of ye World. [fol. 313] Religious Missions from Scotland. The remote situation of ye Highlands & of ye Northern & Western Islands of Scotland, the barrenness as well as Inaccessibleness of these Parts, and the Slavish Subjection of the Commonalty to the Chieftains of their Clans or Tribes, are the Reasons of the Ignorance & Barbarity of those Parts; For altho’ the Society in Scotland for propagating Christian Knowledge maintain & support above 100 schools among those People yet they have still need of a farther Reformation: That Society may very justly claim the Title of Noble being composed of a great Number of Peers, Gentlemen & Clergy of that Country, & also of several Persons of Distinction & Eminence at & near London: Hitherto they have been forced to bend all their Thoughts to a thorough Reformation of the abovenamed People: Nevertheless, seing their Charter (granted anno 1709.) extends expressly to the Converting of Heathen & Infidel Parts, as well as to their own less cultivated Provinces; They have frequently had it under their Consideration to make some Beginning that Wat: While they had these Thoughts, the Revd. Dr. Daniel Williams an eminent dissenting Clergyman at London, left by his Will, an Estate of about £70 Sterlg. pr. annum to the said Society in Scotland, on Condition that therewith they shall send & maintain three Missionaries to instruct instruct [sic] the Savage Indians of America in the Christian Religion: The Society were extremely glad of this opportunity put into their Hands of doing what they had so earnestly wish’d for: But when they came to compute the Expence, & had established a Correspondence with the Governor & other most Considerable Persons in New-England, it was found that it would require above double the clear Produce of the bequeathed Estate to commence this Mission: This however did not discourage them, for altho’ their annual Expence be every year Increasing by the Augmentation of their Schools, Yet the Society in a General Meeting resolved to go on with this Design: Accordingly having added £60 Sterling. to the Estate, & appointed the Governor, several Counselors & Clergy of New-England for their Correspondents & Commissioners, and it being agreed to send three Divines from the University of Cambridge in New-England, upon the said Mission, to preach the Gospel to the Indians on the Frontiers of that Province; the said Mission is now actually commenced, this year 1731; And as the Inhabitants of New-England are a thriving & sober People, there is Ground to believe that in Time they (as well as Others) will contribute to the Increase & Improvement of a Design already so well begun, & which promises success answerable thereunto. [fol. 314]For S:r Hans Sloan, Bart The Mission of Dr William’s & the Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge anno 1731.

A. Anderson was Secretary to the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge in Scotland.




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Sloane Family Recipes

In his Recipes Project post, Arnold Hunt focused on the recipe books owned by Sir Hans Sloane. The Sloane family may have had an illustrious physician and collector in their midst, but they, too, collected medical recipes like many other eighteenth-century families. As Alun Withey points out, medical knowledge was of part of social currency. Three Sloane-related recipe books that I’ve located so far provide insight into some of the family’s domestic medical practices and interests.

Elizabeth Fuller: Collection of cookery and medical receipts
Credit: Wellcome Collection, London.

Two books are held at the British Library, donated in 1875 by the Earl of Cadogan. A book of household recipes, primarily for cookery, was owned by Elizabeth Sloane—Sloane’s daughter who married into the Cadogan family in 1717 (BL Add. MS 29739). The second book, c. 1750, contained medical, household and veterinary recipes (BL Add. MS 29740), including several attributed to Sir Hans Sloane. A third book, which belonged to Elizabeth Fuller, is held at the Wellcome Library (MS 2450) and is dated 1712 and 1820. Given the initial date and name, it is likely that the book’s first owner was Sloane’s step-daughter from Jamaica, Elizabeth Rose, who married John Fuller in 1703. Sloane’s nephew, William, married into the Fuller family as well in 1733.

Elizabeth Sloane, of course, compiled her collection long before her marriage; born in 1695, she was sixteen when she signed and dated the book on October 15, 1711. This was a common practice for young women who were learning useful housewifery skills. The handwriting in the book is particularly good, with lots of blank space left for new recipes, suggesting that this was a good copy book rather than one for testing recipes. There are, even so, some indications of use: a black ‘x’ beside recipes such as “to candy cowslips or flowers or greens” (f. 59), “for burnt almonds” (f. 57v) or “ice cream” (f. 56). The ‘x’ was a positive sign, as compilers tended to cross out recipes deemed useless.

The Cadogan family’s book of medicinal remedies appears to have been intended as a good copy, but became a working copy. In particular, the recipes to Sloane are written in the clearest hand in the text and appear to have been written first. Although there are several blank folios, there are also multiple hands, suggesting long term use. There are no textual indications of use, but several recipes on paper have been inserted into the text: useful enough to try, but not proven sufficiently to write in the book. As Elaine Leong argues, recipes were often circulated on bits of paper and stuck into recipe books for later, but entering a recipe into the family book solidified its importance—and that of the recipe donor—to the family.

Sloane’s recipes are the focal point of the Cadogan medical collection. Many of his remedies are homely, intended for a family’s everyday problems: shortness of breath, itch, jaundice, chin-cough, loose bowels, measles and worms. There are, however, two that spoke to his well-known expertise: a decoction of the [peruvian] bark (f. 8v)—something he often prescribed–and “directions for ye management of patients in the small-pox” (f. 10v).

Elizabeth Fuller compiled her book of medicinal and cookery recipes several years after her marriage and the book continued to be used by the family well into the nineteenth century. The book is written mostly in one hand, but there are several later additions, comments and changes in other hands. The recipes are  idiosyncractic and reflect the family’s particular interests: occasionally surprising ailments (such as leprosy) and a disproportionate number of remedies for stomach problems (flux, biliousness, and bowels). The family’s Jamaican connections also emerge with, for example, a West Indies remedy for gripes in horses (f. 23). There are no remedies included from Sloane, but several from other physicians.

This group of recipe books connected to the Sloane Family all show indications of use and, in particular, the Cadogan medical recipe collection and the Fuller book suggest that they were used by the family over a long period of time. Not surprisingly, the Fuller family drew some of their knowledge from their social and intellectual networks abroad.

But it is the presence or absence of Sloane’s remedies in the books that is most intriguing. Did this reflect a distant relationship between Sloane and his step-daughter? Hard to say, but it’s worth noting that his other step-daughter, Anne Isted, consulted him for medical problems and the Fuller family wrote to him about curiosities.

Or, perhaps, it highlights the emotional significance of collecting recipes discussed by Montserrat Cabré. Sloane was ninety-years old when the Cadogan family compiled their medical collection.

Hans Sloane Memorial Inscription, Chelsea, London. Credit: Alethe, Wikimedia Commons, 2009.

It must have been a bittersweet moment as Elizabeth Cadogan (presumably) selected what recipes would help her family to remember her father after he died: not just his most treasured and useful remedies, but ones that evoked memories of family illnesses and recoveries.

Letter 1058

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – June 29, 1706


Item info

Date: June 29, 1706
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4040
Folio: ff. 187-188



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Transcription

[fol. 187] Dear Sr. I did not receive yrs of 15th Novr till ye 11th of may by ye King William by whom I send this. I return you hearty thanks for ye trouble about my books, as also for those you sent me, wch were last by ye death of ye purser to whose care they were comitted, only the Transactions were sav’d, for want of convenience of sending them. I have here Lauibaiy Belliantheca, wch I find wants 2 sheets of ye eight vol. I have writ to Vienna after them ye buying it on Mr Bridges acct. if so much money left to me as it cost at Sept, wch woud soon have doubled in this country. I have half a dozen more from Italy, bought at his request, but shall keep them least they may not prove to his liking. I am not sorry to see such a value set on Dr. Cundas’s collection, but am glad you had them not. Dr Scheutzer writes often to me & has sent me most of ye plants he found in his jorneys; he is pretty exact, but not free from mistakes in his names. I have most of my books here & expect ye rest by ye first ships, at least I have sufficient here to imploy me till ye rest come & I loose no time in entering them in my Pinax. Dr Plukenet & Mr Petiver will puzzle me more than all ye rest; but I shall not pretend to adjust their synonyma ’till I return. The plague has been very hot here near six weeks, but ye time of its decreasing is now come, what wth yt & o’r ships being in port. I have not been able to collect any thing this season, but next week will [?] it ye mountains in order to gather some seeds for ye ships in autumn. [fol.187v] last summer I made a jouney to the seven churches of Asia, in Augst & septr. I gather’d severall new seeds, ye season for plants being almost past; but ye greatest fruit of this excursion; was ye visiting Gayra (Aphrodisias of ye axteants) where we copyed near an hundred Greek inscriptions & twice that number in all. I design’d this summer for the Halicarnasso, milato, melazzo & so anlong ye thainr to Calophon but cannot take up a company sufficient to defend us from danger. next year I hope I shall. what inscriptions are dug up here I lay, & shall send home assoon as we have a peace. nothing has made me more uneasy in this country, then the finding my self incapable of serving my Ld Pembroke, as I hap’d & expected to have done. I have neglected no opportunity of buying what medalls presented here & have writ to all ye places where I cou’d fix any corrispondence in order to procure them, & yet after above two years search have met but wth two of his nota. Dr Picanini who is gone for Engld by way of legorn, will wait upon you, & justify what I write. he is in company of Mr. Purnell & Gent’n of their factory, who will be glad to wait on my Ld & shew him what medalls he has pick’d up here, in about 20 years. I have seen them & cannot guess they are worth in any part of Europe, ye quarter they cost here. I can’t pretend any skill my self, but I hereby me most of ye books necessary for ye understanding them; merchts have ye same notion of them yt ye Turks have yt they are all jewells. I writ to you last year for a Barometer, pray lend me one & take the cost of it of my Brother; a Thermometer as a set of glasses for knowing the strength of liquors wou’d be of use to me. Pra Boccona before death sent me his dry’d plants wth a MSS. wch he desird me to get printed, but ’tis not worth ye while ye plants are ye same nam’d in ye inclos’d Catalogue, wch are describd after his way in ye manuscript, wch along farrago of receipts &c. I hear not a word of ye History of Jamaica, pray don’t defer it; ye longer you stay, ye more business will crowd upon you. I have sent over ye last vol. I have of ye Philos. Transactions, wch end 1688 no. 247. & desir’d Mr. Bateman to compleat them & get them bound like ye rest I find in ye Historia literaria maris Balthici, Matth. Hanrici schacht observationes Botanica de plantis circa Cartemundam spontanascenticus. 4. if it be in London, pray send. it I shou’d be glad to know how Dr Raddock proceeds wth his work in folio. whether Dr. Plukunet designs any other volume & what hopes of Mr Doody. My humble service to yr good Lady & family, wth friends at ye club [?] &c. wth great report & good wil [?] I remain Dear sr. yr most faithful & most obliged humble serv’t. WSherard Smirna June 29th 1706. Pray is Parera brava Bouthona ou Mentrocy Brasil. racine diuretique mention’d in ye [?] in use in England?

Sherard (1659-1728) was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography).




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Letter 4057

Henry Compton to Albemarle – Sept. 25.


Item info

Date: Sept. 25.
Author: Henry Compton
Recipient: Albemarle

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: MS 4066
Folio: f. 299-300



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Transcription

Sept. 25. Madam I am an humble Petitioner to you, that when ye election of Harwich is decided, you would give my Lord Cheyne leave to take ye [Burrow?] in Cornwell for his option, & that you would give me leave to recomend another person to your fa=vour: Wer it upon my own account I should be ashamed to ask this: but it is for ye government & Churches sake that I beg it. For ye person I would have in will be of very great & im=portant use to serve both, & therefore I am sure you will pardon ye importunity of Madam Yor Grace’s most obedient & obliged Sevt: .. London

Compton asks the Duchess of Albemarle if she would grant Lord Cheyne leave after the election at Harwich is decided. Compton, Henry (1631/2-1713), bishop of London served in both military and ecclesiastical positions throughout his life. Compton was a strong anti-Catholic. (Andrew M. Coleby, ‘Compton, Henry (1631/2–1713)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6032, accessed 23 June 2015])




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Measles in History

The terror of smallpox lives on in popular memory, but measles are often dismissed by many as just a childhood disease: How much harm could it really cause? And aren’t childhood diseases useful for breaking in immune systems anyhow? We overlook measles at our peril, as recent outbreaks, such as the Disneyland one, have shown. It only takes one sick person for the disease to spread rapidly among those who can’t be vaccinated (such as babies), those whose vaccines are incomplete or unsuccessful, and those who opted out of vaccination.

But is measles really comparable to smallpox, or am I being a bit extreme? Well, in early modern Europe, measles—more specifically, its complications–was considered as deadly as smallpox.

Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

In 1730, physician Thomas Fuller published Exanthematologia: Or, An Attempt to Give a Rational Account of Eruptive Fevers, especially of the Measles and Small Pox. Fuller addressed it to Sir Hans Sloane and the Royal College of Physicians. In part, this was a strategy to situate the book as part of the reformed and rationale medicine that Sloane championed as the College’s President.

But it would have appealed to Sloane who had promoted smallpox inoculation and had a longstanding interest in fevers. Not only did he help to popularise the use of Peruvian bark for treating fevers, regularly using it in his own practice, but he took an interest in the publication of Edward Strother’s Criticon Febrium: or, a critical essay on fevers in 1716 (Preface). Strother, perhaps not coincidentally, was also a fan of Peruvian bark (48).

Fuller classified and described the various types of fevers with rashes or pustules, concluding that the most dangerous were smallpox and measles. Although the two diseases were very different, they had something crucial in common, being contagions that could be spread through one’s breath or skin pores (93). These “venemous fevers” were produced by a venom that was mild, unless over-heated—then the fevers became “more killing than even the Plague itself” (119).

Measles, even in its most benign state, is a miserable experience. The symptoms include: coldness and shivering; yawning; queasiness and vomiting; anguish; headache and backache; quick and weak pulse; great heat and thirst; short, painful breathing and oppession of the breast; hypochondriac tension and pale urine; watchfulness and drowsiness; convulsions; weakness and heaviness; redness, swelling, and pricking of eyes, lids and brows; involuntary tears and sneezing; sore throat, hoarseness, runny nose, and perpetual cough (142).

Fuller noted that not only did the cough always come before the measles, but that the pain in one’s chest and shortness of breath were much worse in measles than smallpox (147-8). Measles could also become malignant, or as we’d call it today, develop complications. The fever would last longer than four days and the spots would erupt much more slowly. Worse yet, diarrhea and peripneumonia occurring afterwards could prove fatal (149-150). At this point, Fuller included excerpts from Thomas Sydenham’s observations of measles outbreaks during the 1670s (151-7).

Death carries off a child on his back. Etching by Stefano De Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Death carries off a child on his back. Etching by Stefano Della Bella, Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

It is Sydenham’s references to the personal devastation from the illness that caught my attention. In 1670, measles “seiz’d chiefly on Children; but spar’d none in any House they enter’d into” (151). By day 8, the spots cleared up, as was typical, but that is when the cough set in: “we are to observe, that at this Time the Fever, and Difficulty of Breathing are increased; and the Cough grown so cruelly troublesome, as to hinder Sleep Day and Night”. The cause of the children’s terrible coughs, Sydenham suggested, was poor management of the disease; they had “been kept too hot, and have taken hot Medicines, to drive, or keep out the Measles” (153). As we know now, complications are more likely to happen in people who have chronic conditions, the very young or elderly, and the malnourished.

So, how did Sydenham and Fuller treat measles? With “much the same Method of Cure with the Small-pox”. Not surprising, given that they were both classed as venomous diseases. Above all, “hot medicines and regimen are extreamly pernicious”. The patient should “eat no flesh”, only water-gruel, barley-broth and roasted apples (sometimes). To drink, the patient was allowed small beer or watered down milk. The patient was to remain in bed for two to three days during the eruption, so the morbose particles would leave through the skin (155-6).

The cough should be treated with a pectoral decoction, linctus and diacodium (poppy syrup): “Very rarely, if ever, will any one that useth this Method die”. If the cough continued, it could “bring great Danger”. Bleeding was the clear choice in that case. “I have (with great Success)”, Sydenham promised, “order’d even the youngest Infants to be let Blood in the Arm; and where the Case requir’d it, I have not fear’d to repeat the same.” This rescued “truly many Children that have been at Death’s Door”. As a bonus, bleeding treated the diarrhea by ridding the body of sharp humours (156-7).

No wonder measles was so feared, with Sydenham declaring that the pneumonia “is so fatal commonly after the Measles, that it may well be reckon’d the chief Minister of Death, destroying more than even the Small-Pox itself” (157). They didn’t know yet about the potential for brain damage or deafness! In the West, we’ve forgotten the real horror of epidemic diseases that killed children.

For some other historical discussions of measles, see The Wellcome Trust Blog on the development of vaccination programmes and Historiann on the early eighteenth-century treatments proposed by Cotton Mather.

Letter 3488

Hans Sloane to Louis Marie Celeste d'Aumont – May. 22. 1713


Item info

Date: May. 22. 1713
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Louis Marie Celeste d'Aumont

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: f. 74-76



Original Page



Transcription

Monsr. May 22. 1713. A Monsr. Le Secretaire de Duc D’Aumont. Vous m’avez fait la grace de me demander ce qui se passa a l’Assemblee de la Societe Royale lors que Monseigr le Duc D’aumont y fut. On luy fit voir le museum ou cabinet de Raretes de la Societé, ou outre autres choses Monsr. le Duc remarqua la peau du Zebra qui est une especes d’Asne Sauvage d’Ethiopie raye tout le long de rayes brunes & blanches. Un fauteuil que l’on fait de la racine de l’Arbrisseau Thea[?] en plians les fibres toutes entre qu’elles estaient encore jeunes. il a este envoyé par la Gouverneur de Chusan Isle Chinoise a la Compagnée des Indes orientales. Le Squelette du raindeer en rangier ou l’on vois dans une de les cornes une branch plate comme une péle pour oser le neige des pays Septentrionaux pour trouver de quoy manger. Des peaux des Armadilla’s. Desmonstres des esquifs des Gronlandois avec leurs habits lignes de poche, floches etc. Des squelettes des arteres veines & nerfs d’un corps humaines des coraux insects coquilles poissons [?] aux serpens momies, un pierre d’ayman rende en torella par la chance[?] on voyait des experiences sur L’aymant, la teste d’un Hippopotamus, un miroir ardent concave d’une force extraordinaire fait par 6 ou 7 miroirs concaves placés de sorte qu’ils ne font qu’une enorme foyre[?]. & on fis aussi vous a Mr. Le Duc un jet d’eau a fer aus par la compression de l’air d’un nouvelle inovation[?] Apres cela on fit voir a Monsr. Le Duc, des experiences du son pour casez un verre & remplir une aussis fletrie[?]. Dans le vuide[?] fait par le moyen d’une machine penumatique d’une invention nouvelles—des deux parils ou on fait les experiences plus sans remont[?] dans la moitie moins de temps que dans les autres. fis aussi des experiences sur une nouvelle maniere de produire de la lumiere en tournant une dehos[?] de verre vuides d’air en touchant la Surface de la main. On voit de la lumiere. Sortir des bouts des doits & de la main d’une couleur blue. Si on la tourne a demi remplie d’air, on voit sortir comme des eclairs des bouts des doits. On mit dans la Sphere des fils la Soye attacher a un axis Sur un peu de Ciege[?] apres les avoir tourner ils furent attirees par la sphere come autant de rayons droits de centre a la circumferences es qui le mouvaiens en appliquant les dois a la Sphere. Si l’on tourne cette sphere quelque temps & qu’on applique un houpe[?] on il y aider files de soys attaches ils feront attires a la Sphere & la regarderont comme leur centre. On echauffa en flottant un luyau[?] de verre opaq[?] & on l’appliquer[?] pres de l’or en feuilles & cela l’attirait meme au travers d’un verre qu’on avait applique d’essay[?] et ce qui est surprenant quelque fois cela fait fuir l’or dans l’air & le chauffe au four de la chamber. On fit voir aussi une jet d’eau ou [?] par la compression polair sur la surface. La Societe ayant retenu la peu mission[?] de pouvoir a lire MonSr. le Duc MonSr le Le Presidt. le proposa a la Assemblee & la Societe la choisit inombre ou Associè par ballot apres quoy Monsr. Le Duc ont la bonte de Sougerire[?] son nom aus saluts & fuit admis en forme & entrer dans ce corps des philosophes de la meilleure grace du monde. On fit voir a MonSr. Le Duc deux especes des pierres precieu appelers oculus mundi. Elles etaient opaques mais dans demi heures apres quon eus mises dans l’eau, Elles devinnent une transparents & drapliance[?]. Voila a peu pres a ca dons je puis me souvenir de qui passa a nostre hier assemblee. Je serai ravi si MonSr. Le Duc y a trouvé quelque chose qui lui ais donné du plaisir avec beaucoup de respecte Vostre

This document is particularly difficult to read in certain sections.




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