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Sir Thomas Hales

Thomas Hales (b. 24 February 1666 d. 07 January 1748) was the 2nd Baronet of Beakesbourne in Kent  and oldest brother of clergyman and natural philosopher Stephen Hales F. R. S. .  He is descended from John Hales, who was a baron of the exchequer under Henry VIII and his grandfather Sir Robert hales was knighted during the restoration. Thomas was responsible for his older siblings after the death of his parents in 1687 and 1692 and saw himself as having to make his own way in life. He married Mary Pym in 1688, the granddaughter of radical parliamentarian leader John Pym. He is mentioned in letter 4523 from Stephen Hales to Sloane as being ‘now very well’.

References:

Stuart Handley, ‘HALES, Sir Thomas, 2nd Bt. (1666 – 1748), of Howletts, Bekesbourne, nr. Cantebury, Kent’, (2002), <http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1690-1715/member/hales-sir-thomas-1666-1748>. The History of Parliament, <http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/>, [accessed 13 March 2019].

D. G. C. Allan, ‘Hales, Stephen (1677 – 1761)’, (23 Sept. 2004), <http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.serlib0.essex.ac.uk/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-11915?rskey=YPaWfk&result=17>. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, <http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.serlib0.essex.ac.uk/> , [accessed 13 March 2019].

Stephen Hales to Hans Sloane, 1732-07-32, Sloane MS 4052, ff. 147-148, British Library, London.



Dates: to

Occupation: Unknown

Relationship to Sloane: Virtual International Authority File:

Letter 2530

Bernard Guillaume (Bernardi Guilielmini) to Hans Sloane – December 23, 1721


Item info

Date: December 23, 1721
Author: Bernard Guillaume (Bernardi Guilielmini)
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 162-165



Original Page



Transcription

Fols. 162-165 Sr. The Character which I heard of You some few years ago and some reflexions lately made, occasions the writing this Letter. As I know you not personally, so, Sr. I am not known by You; but that You may know what I am, please to give your self the trouble to read what follows, and you shall never have a just cause to repent you of it. it has pleased God to bless me so, as to attain to the knowledge and preparation of a Universal Tincture, so much talked of and pretended to: but as rarely known and seen. Next to the honour of God and our common Salvation. I prefer the contemplation of this, to all other things; as esteeming you of little or no value in comparison of it for the knowledge of God and universal nature and of this holy science are inseparable: for the more we advance in the later, the more must we, of necessity, in the former also. Notwithstanding this, for my Probation and Humiliation, what has happened to some in all ages, was permitted to befall me also; yt is, to loose so pretious and invaluable a treasure; which reminds me of these words: Ego quos amo, arguo, et eastigo. I have seen in a most eminent manner how the anger of God was inkindled against those who betrayed me in a very cruel manner. God forgive ym: I heartily do. may they truly repent of it, This prediction was occasioned by one mans acquaintance, whom I had for some years made my friend and confident and thought to be a person of unexceptionable piety and fidelity. Ictus Piseator sapit. Nothing but a train of miracles could have extricated me out of such a sea of danger and sorrow, and anxiety of spirit, which brought upon me grievous bodily sickness caused by the inexpressible trouble of my mind. I have been forced to leave France all on a sudden, destitute and forlorn, and to take post and ride day and night, which I could not have done, but by immediately selling a piece of […] Gold and two small Diamonds such I had about me, for I must not return to the Hotel, for fear of falling into the same circumstances as did, Alass! a most venerable sage, whose hairs are as white as a swan, who has been imprisoned and afterwards sent down to L’Isle de Sainte Marguerite, for no other reason than a suspicion of being an Adeptl where, without a miraculous deliverance, he will in all probability spend the rest of his days. I understand since (by Monsr. de Marêchal Bezon who had letters concerning him from Monsieur La Bret Intendant de Provence, and that too by the Duke Regent’s orders) that his manner of living and behaviour is most abidying, wonderfull and amazing. though the Duke of Orleans has vastly enriched himself, at the expence and utter ruin of hundreds of thousands, yet his detestable thirst after Gold continues still the same by which we clearly see, covetousness not […] only to be Idolatry, and the root of all Evil, but in its nature […] insatiable as that abyss from whence it proceeds: though his attempts of this kind will Eternally be in vain; for where God gives so great a blessing; strength and patience to a righteous and innocent sufferer will be given in proportion. In these piteous circumstances, Sr, after several years spent abroad, I lately came for England, where I had left a little brechold [sic] estate, which I found sold by my unkle, in my absence, since dead; which he had no right nor title to do, but poor man falling into strait circumstances, his reflecting upon my being a single person, and having no letter from me for several years, might be one occasion of it, which has put me to very great and pressing inconveniences, yet will I not go to Law if it be: any ways avoidable. Ei qui vult tecum judicio contenere, et tumicam tuam tollere, dimitte ei et pallium. Now by all this, I would not be understood, as if I had the least presumptious [sic] thought to pretend to inform you how to make Gold. God forbid. By so doing I should infallibly incur the displeasure of the Allmighty, and extreamly hazard the salvation of my soul. My design, Sr, is only to know, whither you are in the least manner initiated into that part of our art, wch is the Gift of God, which leads to a Universal Medicine; or whither your heart be, in the sight of God, disposed to receive such a blessing. Otherwise that a certain great person once said to Johannes Baptista Van Helmont a very learned honest man, is applicable to your self, were you President of all the Colledges of Physitians upon Earth Videlicet, Charissime […] nisi eo devenias, quod unico Remedio quea curare quenlibet morbum, manebis in by tocimio, utcun senex eva seris. After the Great Tincture, or medicine for metals, that is reserved for those to who in God will bestow it. T’is a sin through vain curiosity to search after it: yet a much heavier crime is it for those who willfully impose upon the over credulous, which credulity proceeds either from too great a curiosity, or an insatiable Avarice, but very often, if not alwaysm from both. These wretched and detestable pretenders are those, Sui [?] manos pollicentur montes, et petunt drachmas parvasl and justly are they lashed by Mr Johnsons Alchymist: yet he that reproaches the Art it self, as yet remains in a thicker than Ægyptian darkness, as to the pure Light of nature. These unhappy Alchymists can do nothing without quantities of Gold, and why? because the honour of God, and their Neighbours Good they have not at heart, but only vile and sordid gain acquired by fallacious means. He yt knows not what to do with Gold; yt is, he yt cannot find an Ins of Gold in the forever, will never know how to improve and augment it in the later. the most accurate solutions of Gold in the best corrosive liquours, (without out Homogeneal Vegetable Mentruum) do little more than he who dissolves salt in common water, for we cannot call, neither the one, nor the other, a Radical Solution for no Radical Solution can be without a previous putrefaction. This is the key to all true medicine. O how blind are those yt suffer ymselves to be deceived, when they see not their matter putrify in the beginning, according to the joint […] consent and common voice of all true philosophers. This one thing alone, duly considered, will for ever prevent out deceiving ourselves or being deceived by others and this I have faithfully communicated to you, to prevent all kind of imposition, though I should never see you. No perfect putrefaction can be without a Radical solution. no separation, no purification. no purification, no multiplication. All which can never be without a previous death or putrefaction. as it is written: Except a Grain of corn fall into the Earth and dye, it abideth alone, but if it dyes it bringeth forth much fruit. and again; Thou fool, yt which thou sowest is not quickened, except it dye. please to remember the common school Axiom: Corruptis Unius Generatio est alterius; et vice versa. Here, Sr, I have led you to the very central, Cardinal point. what effect these great truths may have upon you, I know not. T’is my duty to resign my self and what is here fundamentally and honestly disclosed to you to the Providence of the most High; as to the Event of what is written I am to be indifferent. if the hand of God is in this matter, His counsel shall stand and prevail. Tho if I did not hope His secret providence to be in it, I would not upon any account or consideration have thus addressed my self to you. You are to answer for what use, you shall make of it. for my part I have given you hints sufficient. my views only regard a medicine for the poor, that God may make use of you as an instrument of His Love, against the now prevailing vials of His wrath, when all Europe is threatened with the fatal scourge of pestilence and famine, for where the former is, the later never is wantingl and all this is a judgment upon Christendom, for its insatiable pride, covetousness, piacular [sic] and perseverance in sin, the forerunner of final impenitence […] the consideration of which makes me fearfull of burying my talent in a napkin; and the Character I have heard of you, has occasioned my thus applying my self to you, hoping to meet with a man of probity and Taciturnity. My business is not to trifle. Do you know, Sr, any thing of our secret fire, or to be plain with you, of our first Agent? for without this subtle and Adeptical preparation first, you can never kill and make alive (or quicken and multiply the principle of Life, and mortifye That of death, wch is all one and the same thing) at one and the same time. T’is by this secret alone we purifye. For want of this, Poutanus [sic] ingenuously declares, he erred two hundred times. He yt has experimentally known this preparation thoroughly is a Master; he yt knows nothing of it is not yet a scholar, and consequently knows nothing of a true medicine. If you know this Art of perfect putrefaction, which I have twice wrought with my own hands, let me have but the smallest hint thereof, and I shall immediately understand you; and this will give me occasion to communicate something to you, which (if I find the aforesaid disposition) will greatly rejoyce you, and wch is more, enable You to do good to some thousands of the poor, whose dayly labour is their whole estate, and who cannot do it, because they languish under distempers ignorantly termed incurable. yea, in such a case, confine not your charity to England, but let the poor in any other Country profit thereby, where any plague or pestilential maladies may rage […] Sr,Your charity to the poor gives excellent and edifying savour, this will render you acceptable to God, and praise worthy of all honest men. If you think it worth your while, let me have your sentiments, as to what I have touched upon. You well know this Command of our Lord. Nolite dare Sanctum canibus, ne que mittatis margaritas vestras ante porcios: ne forte conculcent eas pedibus suis, et conversia dirumpant vos. The Apostle Saint Paul sais: If any one love not our Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha. Now no one can love God, but by strenuously endeavouring to keep His commandments. as it is written: If ye Love me, keep me commandments. Let us then avoid this terrible Malediction, and gain His Temporal and Eternal Blessing, which I wish from the bottom of my heart. I am Sr, your most humble and most obedient Servant Gulielmi Please to direct as follows and it will be safely conveyed to me. vizt. For Mr S. to be left at Mr Morris’s near the Duke of Ormonds head at Kensington Kensington December the 23d 1721.

Gulielmi informs Sloane that he has the ability to make ‘a Universal Tincture’.




Patient Details

Letter 2577

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – May 14, 1722


Item info

Date: May 14, 1722
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4046
Folio: ff. 242-243



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 242] Worthy Sr yours I Received Dated Jan: 24: And hope you Received Mine of the 31st of October by the Brown Capten Miers Commander It Would be to Tedious to give an Account of my Fatigues over Mountains & Crossing Rivers both North, & South; East, and West and in all these Journeys I Could not meet with any Vegetable (or at Least but very few) that Escaped your knowledg I Shall make What Collections I Can especially of Fossiles, and Minerals: I have not had the good Fortune yet to meet with any Oars that I Could Get any Silver from Altho I have met with great Variety, from all Parts of the Island, which Shows the Plenty of Mines Irons, and Copper, wee have in great Plenty, and are not without Lead, but the Difficulty I Meet with is; that Persons often brings me Oars taken out Gullies & Rivers, but Cannot or, Will not, Show where they come from: that wee might Set our People to Searching & Digging them Some […] them for fear of their Land be taken from them, Others Demands great Rewards for Discovery So that our People hath as yet Wrote but upon two mines: The first up Swift River in the Windward part of the Parish of St. Georges on the North side of the Island after some little Progress was made and the Oar Sent me wch was very Poor in Copper. I went Over to View there Work wch I found to be a Small String or Vein Running Parrellell with the Course of the River in a Strait Line like a Course of Mortar […] two Courses of Bricks in a Perpendicular Hard Rock of a bout 100 feet High the Vein having No Tendency to Dipp or Sloap Downwards I Expected no Good Would come off it wch Proved Soo. about this time I Let a Diligent man to Search the Springs and Heads of the Riverlets that make Rio Cobra and out of the Head of Golden River which Runs in to Rio Pedro (and not Rio de Ora of the Spaniards which is towards the Magotty Sevanna) He brought some Oars that yielded about a fourth Part in Copper which He Said was Thrown down there out of a Mountain that was Much Shatterd with the Earth Quake but was very steep & Difficult to goe up it Neither did He understand a Vein of Oar if He Saw it Upon wch I Sent a Capten of the Miners & 2 or 3 Good Miners to Search the Mountain; who gave me an Account that there were Serveal Veins, wch Promised very Well I orderd them to Work upon the Fairest of them & Send as they Dugg Some of the Oar for me to Assay wch I found to Contain Copper, some little time after the Captyn Desired I Would come up & View His Work wch Accordingly I Did when I came to the Place I found it a Steep mountain in the Shape of a Sugar Loaf and Difficult to Get up it, a little Riverlet Running almost Round it; only in one Place where a Smal Ridge Joined to it South Easterly, from whence came the Weeping Springs that made the River Called Golden River by the English because the Sand Shines and looks like Gold, Upon my Searching this mountain I found Many Veins Some bigger than Others & Some Higher Up the Mountain & not far Distant from each Other all Running end Way wch was Oblique and Sloaping Downwards & in wards towards the Center of the Mountain: where about half Way Up they began to Strike their Shaft as they Dugg they found the Veins to Wyden & Grow Broader With all the Symptoms of a lasting Mine, but the Capten; before He Dugg Deeper in the Shaft Would Strike a Level or A dit [fol. 243] at the bottom of the Hill and bring it Right under the Shaft by wch means He believed He Should Strike throug Some of these Veins before He came under the Shaft this Delayed the further knowledg at Present of the Goodness of the Oar the Copper is as fine as […] Gold the Oar if of a Blewish Colour with Miuch Verdigress Sticking about Some of it I have Sent Some Samples to Col Long which I Doubt not but He Will Let you See them and in Deed I Flatter my Self that Wee Shall find Something better the further we goe, for if we may give Credit to Albaro Alonso Barba wee Need not Doubt it who Layeth that Copper ingendered (take His own Words) in Book 1 Ch. 29 Mineral Stones of Divers Colours, Although ever the most Predominant Colour is Blew or Green (so is ours) it is engendered in the Same places with Gold & Silver, and often times is following A Vein of pure Copper they have not met with a Nest of the finist Gold, but its more Familiar to have its veins Change into Silver and those Veins of Copper that make a Show above ground, Commonly prove very Rich as they are Dugg Deeper the Mine of […] in the […] was at the Top in a Manner all Copper & as they dug Deeper downwards; it Grew Rich in Silver &c they Mention the Same of Several Other Mines So that wee Cannot Expect any great Alteration before we have got a Considerable Depth, which Requires time & Charge and as we Succeed Shall give you a further account I Long to See your 2 Volumes & every thing that comes from you Will be Always Admired & Esteemed as the greatest Favour you can doe to your most Faithfull friend and servant to Command Henry Barham May 14th 1722 I Heartily Thank you for Recommending me to the Duke or any that may be Serviceable to me & Shall endeavour to Acknowledge & Returne all Favours my Duty to ye president & all the Worthy Gentlemen of the Royall Society & I hope our Patents Will Weather all Difficulys

Henry Barham (1670?-1726) was a botanist. He lived in Jamaica and corresponded with Sloane on the plant and animal life of the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s Natural History of Jamaica (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 4548

Hans Sloane to Mr. Dale – June ye 12th 1692


Item info

Date: June ye 12th 1692
Author: Hans Sloane
Recipient: Mr. Dale

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4068
Folio: ff. 9-10



  • Language
    English
  • Library
    British Library, London
  • Categories
    Botany, Cure, Disease, Fruit, Knowledge, Philosophical Transactions, Preservation, Trade or Commodities, Travel, Vegetables
  • Subjects
    Aztec botany, Cassia, Cinammon, Cochineal, Cortex Winteranus, Costa Rica, Curing, Ebony, Ginger, Guajacum, India, Indian King, Indigo, Insects, Jamaica, Plantation, Scurvy, Sea Lion, Straights of Magellan, Tamarind, West Indies, acacia, materia medica
  • Date (as written)
    June ye 12th 1692
  • Standardised date
    June 12, 1692
  • Origin (as written)
    London
  • Others mentioned
    Delaet Hernandez Clusius Capt. Winter Mr George Handisyd Sr Francis Drake John Ray Margaret Ray Spanish preist Indian King
  • Patients mentioned

Original Page



Transcription

f. 9

Mr Dale

London June ye 12th 1692

Sr I recd yors of ye 18th of last month, & for answer to it can assure you that I have seen in Jamaica what I concluded to be the cochinile it was being ane insect exactly like it in shape colour &c & xxxx was to be found in the furowes or sulis of the bark of the trunc of a sort of acacia I call Acacia maxima major folijs vel spinnis minimis flore lutes odorantisims, & wch Delaet calls Species Mizquitl quam vocavit Tzintzequam. Hernandez Mizquitl Miahuacan enses & Ximen Mizquitl de mechoacan. I endeavoured to preserve it or use or cute it &; that by a way wch was told me by ane Indian King who came from Costa rica a place countrey on the Maine Continent of America whence it comes, wch was by drying it on ane Iron plate heated, & it succeeded soe well that I question not but that or something equivalent is the way to cure or preserve it was told me likewise by the same person & confirmed by a Capt who had lived long in yt place Countrey that the plants […………….] on wch the cochinile were found were such as I found had been brought to Jam.a by a xxx with Jones[….]  planted in some places [………] in expectation of gain from that commoity, & wch I call ficus India Puna maxima fere glabra, being in every thing like the[..] common Puna of ficus India of these Islands only larger in every part, growing 8 or 9 foot high its leaves being foot & Âœ long Âœ as broad having no tufts of prickles but in lieu of them small holes in the surface of the leaf filld wt small […..] oblong protuberances or innocent green short prickles. The flours are streakd wt red, & the fruit not soe savoury as that of the ordinary Puna. This plant was brought thither to Jama by accident by some […..] Spanish priest who designed it for some of their own plantations […..] near this Island & affirmed to be that on a […] was bred the cochinile but the ignorance of its culture [……………..] want of its seed or a good & proper air climate was I suppose the occasion of its being unsuccessfull for altho it was planted in severall places I could never hear of any Cochinile from it tho it seems by […. …….. … ….] to be itt tonepl. I doe not in the least question but that ’tis ane animal substance & very likely to be a small scarabus, tho its changes & metamorphoses & I must confesse my observations as to […..] consep ye reducing it to its kind are very defective, it requiring more nicety & time then I was willing to bestow on it: But have been assured that of it by lying making a bed of bags of it on it [……] not well cured much some of it took life & crept away in a great measure from to the great losse of the person who told it me As to ye Arbor baccifera laurifolia, aromatica fructu veridi calyculab raceinoso described by me in the Phil. Trans. no 192, I am sure that tho it has vulgarly the[…] tis not the true cortex Winteranus for you may see by Clusius’s description that

f. 9v ‘tis quite differing from what he calls canella alba & caspar Bauhine makes them 2 when he gives Cinamomum sive canella tubis mineribus alba as a name for our ordinary [..] bark falsely called Winters bark & Laurafolie Magellanica cortice acri for Winters Bark wch is quite another thing. My very good friend & very ingenious & sagacious Gentleman Mr George Handisyd practiser of physick who came lately from the straights of Magellan whence Capt Winter who went with Sr Francis Drake brought his has satisfied my curiosity & confirmd my opinion […….] as to that matter, having [..] brought wt him some of the bark leaves &c wch agrees wt Clusius’s description & wt what he sayes of it, & tells me further that it growes as high as ane apple tree & spreads very much both in root & branches, that is flours are pentapetalous & milk white smelling like those of Jasmine, to show 2 or 3 or more of them together on ye same to stalk to wch followes a greenish coloured berry made up of 2 or 3 or more acini in wch lyes severall black aromatick seeds something like the stones in grapes by wch you may see that it [….] is quite in all its parts differing from our common but false cortex Winteranus, tho I think this may be the best succedaneum wee can have for the other wch the above praiseworthy gent. Mr Handisyd assured me was of very great use to him in the cure of his the people committed to his charge of the scurvey, & sevll other distempers, & that he usd only to boile [half a dram] in water wch wt some carminative seeds prov’d a very good sweat, wt wch they were very much relieved & many of them cured after eating of a poysonous sort of seal called a sea lionthey found in these parts by wch many of them had […. ……….] been so ill as to cast loose their skins. He likewise used the leaves wch are like those of saurell amongst fomentation herbs in sevll cases wt good success. I think it will be best to call it periclymenum rectum folijs laurinus cortie aromatico. & you may easily by comparing my description of the common Winters bark & of this from the papers […..] mouth & specimens of that ingenious man (who is now gone into ye E. Indies out of curiositie) find that they are really diffeing from ye true cinamon kind wch is described in the H. Malub. & bears a fruit like so ane acorn wch I have seen in Mr Charletons incomparable collection of naturall curiosities. As to yor Quere relating to Ebony, I believe what wee call ebony in Jamaica is not the ebony of the Ancients […..] and our ebony there is to give its description in a name, suliquosa spinosa lyc ij folio, flore luteo papylionaceo patulo, siliqua strictessima, lata brevi, semen oxiguum reniforine me complecsente. f. 10 whose wood is not so black as ebony but a browner dark color [……] use &c. Wee have in Jama many officinalls concerning wch you are perhaps [……] from other hands but if not if you please to command desire […..] or satisfied otherwise my opinions I shall be very ready to doe give it, the Spainyds having been very industrious in bringing the vegetables of one Indies to ye other by wch means I have seen Tamarinds, Cassia Solutiva, ginger, Indico, & sevll others, besides Guajacum, china & many others that grew there of themselves please to give my most humble service to Mr Ray […. …… … ……..] whose op= =inion if you please to take in showing him this will be very gratefull to me pray give him & his Lady my most humble service, I am yo

Sr Yor most humble servt Hans Sloane

To Mr Dale




Patient Details

Letter 3823

Henry Barham Sr. to Hans Sloane – Dec 29, 1718


Item info

Date: Dec 29, 1718
Author: Henry Barham Sr.
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4045
Folio: f.140



Original Page



Transcription

MS 4045 Fol. 140 Worthy Sr Last week I went into the Physick g(arden) to see what American seeds were comd up And out of th(e) (?) 80 seval sorts that I grow them to Plant I could n(ot) finds abound 33 or 4 which are as folloeth 1 First the Phaseolus Maximus perennis Semine compresso (crossed out x2) lato nigris maculis (crossed out) notato 2 Phaseolus maximus perennis Semine Compresse lato albo 3 Phaseolus perennis angustifolius flore lutso Semine lato com-presso minore rubro Maculis nigris notato 4 Phaseolus Major perennis floribus Spicatis Siliqua breviori rotundiore Semine albo Spherico 5 Phaseolus Maximus Perennis floribus Spicatis albis Spicatis siliquis brevibus latis semen album hilo albido fere circum(dante) 6 Phaseolus Syluesteris Minor flore sainino Siloguis longis stoe-sibus alba lanugine Hirfreti 7 Phaseolus orectus Major Siligue Sersh Semine rubro 8 Phaseolus Glyiyrrhizilis folio a lato pisso coccineo atre inacule notato 9 Luburnum Himilius Siligua inter giana of Giana junita Semine of culento 10 An Americal Votch 11 Urucu uel Arnosio 12 Coluten affinis frutico floribus Spicatis purpuraf(bolb)tibus Siliguis incusuis e ejus tineturn Indigo conpeitur 13 Trlose Impericlis Callod Caracoucha 14 Alwa neotosa Trisido India Arientalis 15 Alwa Hirsuts feava feare es Semine Mossihato 16 Alwa Maxima Malva rosea folio fructu dragons reste Crassione breviors esuolinte 17 Cassia minor fruiticosa hexaphylla Senu folus 18 Sennu Occidentalis Odore opis Virose Orobi pannonici folus mucronutis Glabin 19 Lena Spuria arborea Spinosa folus alatis ramasis seu decompositus 20 Sennu Minor hisbucia plorumgus hexa hylla folio Obtusa 21 Apocynum oroctum frutico flore lutso Maximo of Speciofissimo 22 Pomissera Seu potius prunisera Indica nuie ieniforni Suminis pomo imnasiente Casous Dicta 23 Alui fructu Marifolia arbor flore pentalo flavo uel Ced(ius) Spuria Jamaica Sibus nosstratibus dicta Fol 110v 24 Convulvilus Major hoptaphylles flore Sulphurei odorate Speciossimo 25 Convulvilus Major polyanthers Conyissime Catissime que repens floribus albis Minoribus Odoratis 26 Spanish Cololu wch Seems ^to be a large sort of an Amaranthes 27 Malo pumica affinis pmifora se uee gua audi 28 Ricinus Americanus Major coule virogeonte 29 Vessenaga or Spanish Tooth Pick 30 Variana Tobacco 31 Stramokin Corassavica Humilior 32 Stramokin altora major Siue Laturaquibusdam 33 Papaur Spinofum 34 Lobus Echiuatus fruitu flavo folio rodundioribus These seem to be in A Verdent Thriveing Condition But I Lostion not But if I had had a proyus Presw of ground to my self to have Planted those seeds ^in I should have had many more of them come up before Mow, For mr Wise Informed me that all except the Broad Dron of those Lords I Gave him (wch was a bout one hundred) obe come up at Hampton court & Thrives Wonderfully Well wch in a great Incouragement to get on to his Hins many of the American Plants that you have Writt off in your History of Jamaica may be Proprigated & brought to Persection in Great Brittain Worthy Sir you atented to me of some mistakes I had made in that lalo Treatise I Grow you to Read (wch I intend ro Call with your Leant Hotyus America-nus inedecinalis) I should be glad to be informed and I might safely doe it not having one of your Natural History of Jamaica by me (Leaving it in that Land of Jamaica) and Trust fo it youl doe me the Favour to lend me one; (if it is very in shet it will doe) & I will compare it more History wch will wonderfully Oblige your most Humble & trusted Servant to Command at all times Henry Barham Chelsea 29th Dbr 1718

Barham was a botanist, living in Jamaica who regularly corresponded with Sloane about the plant and animal life on the island. Parts of Barham’s letters to Sloane appeared in the latter’s “Natural History of Jamaica” (T. F. Henderson, Barham, Henry (1670?1726), rev. Anita McConnell, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1374, accessed 13 June 2011]).




Patient Details

Letter 0857

Thomas Hardy to Hans Sloane – July 2, 1703


Item info

Date: July 2, 1703
Author: Thomas Hardy
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 157-158



Original Page



Transcription

Lely sends brass medals and Beverland’s account of them. Charleton had been willing to buy them. Lely hopes they are worth his guineas. He discusses antiquities and their display in museums and statuaries. Sloane’s hand records: ‘July. 2. 1703. Recd. in pursuance of the above sd order five gineas…’ John Lely (b. 1674) was the son of Sir Peter Lely, the portrait painter and art collector, and his common-law wife Ursula. John married the daughter of Sir John Knatchbull (Diana Dethloff, ‘Lely, Sir Peter (1618–1680)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16419, accessed 28 May 2015]). Sir Thomas Hardy (1666-1732) was a naval officer (J. K. Laughton, ‘Hardy, Sir Thomas (1666–1732)’, rev. J. D. Davies, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12289, accessed 28 May 2015]).




Patient Details

Letter 0858

John Lely to Hans Sloane – July 2, 1703


Item info

Date: July 2, 1703
Author: John Lely
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 157-158



Original Page



Transcription

Lely sends brass medals and Beverland’s account of them. Charleton had been willing to buy them. Lely hopes they are worth his guineas. He discusses antiquities and their display in museums and statuaries. Sloane’s hand records: ‘July. 2. 1703. Recd. in pursuance of the above sd order five gineas…’ John Lely (b. 1674) was the son of Sir Peter Lely, the portrait painter and art collector, and his common-law wife Ursula. John married the daughter of Sir John Knatchbull (Diana Dethloff, ‘Lely, Sir Peter (1618–1680)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/16419, accessed 28 May 2015]). Sir Thomas Hardy (1666-1732) was a naval officer (J. K. Laughton, ‘Hardy, Sir Thomas (1666–1732)’, rev. J. D. Davies, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/12289, accessed 28 May 2015]).




Patient Details

Letter 0828

James Cuninghame to Hans Sloane – February 12, 1702/03


Item info

Date: February 12, 1702/03
Author: James Cuninghame
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4039
Folio: ff. 85-86



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 85] Sr Chusan Febrie 12th. 1702/3. My last to you was in the Sarah-Galley, by the Sur- geon whereof I sent you a Book of dryd Plants: this comes in the Macclesfield-Galley with our friend Mr Corbet, by whom I send you & Mr Petiver a Box of Shells, which I had of Mr Henry Smith Supercargo to the Liampo Frigatt, who gathered them upon the Island of Pulo Verero in the Straits of Malaca; where likewise ad a piece of a Tree (which I send you) in splitting whereof or fireing were found these legible Characters DA BOA ORA which I take to be Portuguese importing Give us good luck In the foresaid Box theres for yourself a Chinese Common Prayer Book, which I procurd from the Bonzes at Pu-to, the Lords Prayer Belief & 10 Commandements translated into Chinese by the Jesuites, a description of Pu-to Chinese, & a Draft of the River of Ning-po done by a French Father who resides there; And a Collection of Butterflies for Mr Petiver. I likewise send betwixt you both a Book of Plants containing about 180 Speci- mens with duplicates, most part whereof are new & pretty well preservd, to the better part whereof I have affixd labells giving their descriptions (so farr as I had time & opportunitie to observe) some Tea seed wt a few others according to Turneforts methode, whereby they may be the more easilie reduced to their proper Tribes. And this is all I can serve you in at present, being bound for Pulo Condore, & perhaps after ward to Cochin-China, from whence in time ye may expect to have somewhat of the produce of these Climates: Desireing nothing more than to testifie upon all occasions how much I am Sir Your most obliged & most Humble Servant Ja: Cuninghame [Add.] Pulo Condore March 6 Since writing of the foregoing we have arrived safe at Pulo Condore which we find in pretty good condition only wanting more men; we have hopes of getting a Trade with Cochin-China whether I shall be sent to try the same, which succeeding will be a mean to introduce a trade with Japan, who want the commodities of that Country, such as Elephants Teeth Lignum Aloes &c. I am not able as yet to send you the produce of this Island, but in time you may expect it from Sr most Humble Servant Ja: Cuninghame If you direct for me at this Island, it will come safe to hand wherever I am

James Cuninghame (fl. 1698-1709) became a member of the Royal Society in 1699. He traveled the world as a trader and collected information, plant specimens, and curiosities until his death in 1709 (Gordon Goodwin, Cuninghame , James (fl. 16981709), rev. D. J. Mabberley, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Sept 2010 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6922, accessed 24 June 2013]).




Patient Details

Bad Blood and Indecent Expressions

By Matthew DeCloedt

Standing before the Jamaican government’s ‘Councill’ in the spring of 1689, an unnamed doctor explained how comments spoken under his breath could have been construed as defamatory. He was, the man said, simply unhappy with how the administration had treated him and might have accidentally said as much in the presence of others.

Bow Street. Credit: https://www.oldbaileyonline.org/static/Trial-procedures.jsp

Bow Street Trial. Credit: https://www.oldbaileyonline.org/static/Trial-procedures.jsp

Allegations of slander and libel were common features of public life in eighteenth-century Britain and its colonies. Manuals were even available to help those accused of having spoken ill of the government defend themselves.[1]

Proof, in the form of witness testimony or a presumption of law, was required to convict an accused of libel in the 1680s. Such evidence established the defendant had the requisite state of mind when publishing defamatory material.[2] Without prima facie proof of sedition in the form of a printed text, the Council needed witnesses to substantiate the charge. In this case, it was the doctor’s word against his accusers’.

According to a letter written by H. Watson, resident of Jamaica, the doctor accounted for his actions before the tribunal by stating:

yt on ye sight of ye fleet sailing away [from Jamaica], & ye paym’t of his money not secured he might passionatly utter many indecent expressions, but not intentionally.

The doctor appealed to the rash character in every reasonable person, arguing that such sentiments could come out of anyone’s mouth. Hans Sloane must have disagreed, for it appears that he himself levelled the allegation against the doctor.

Sloane’s accusation of slander was substantiated by two witnesses who claimed they “heard [the doctor] say ye very same he spoke [to Sloane], w’ch they declared on their oaths”. Fortunately for the doctor, “severall witnesses
 who were [near]by
 either did not hear or would not remember w’t he spoke”.

Second Battle Of Virginia Capes. Licensed under Public Domain via Wikimedia Commons.

Second Battle Of Virginia Capes. Licensed under Public Domain via Wikimedia Commons.

Watson does not divulge the Council’s final determination, so it is unclear whose word convinced it one way or the other. Regardless, the doctor claimed he would appeal to the Prince of Orange if he were found culpable. He expected “sudden releif from Coll Molesworth who is expected here [in Jamaica] w’th as much earnestness, as ye Turks expect Mahomet”.[3] In Watson’s view, therefore, relief was not anticipated anytime soon.

Was Sloane simply a patriot, unwilling to abide a slight against the Crown? Or, was there bad blood between himself and the doctor?

In the Natural History of Jamaica Sloane relays an account of one ‘Sir H. M. aged about 45, lean, sallow, coloured, his eyes a little yellowish, and belly a little jutting out, or prominent’. The Gentleman’s Quarterly claimed some years later that this patient of Sloane’s was Sir Hender Molesworth, not Sir Henry Morgan, as was previously supposed.

If this is true, Molesworth was one of Sloane’s patients and followed his instructions for a time. He seemed to be improving, but grew frustrated with the slow progress and consulted another physician. According to Sloane, his condition was not ameliorated by his personal habits. Perhaps it was the fact that he was unable

to abstain from Company, he sate up late, drinking too much, whereby he[
] had a return of his first symptoms.[4]

Sloane implored Molesworth to listen to his advice. Dr. Rose shared Sloane’s view and they convinced him to follow their directions once again.

Molesworth was getting better, but took a turn for the worse: “On this alarm he sent for three or four other Physitian”. The latter came to a conclusion that contradicted Sloane. The treatment Molesworth followed “almost carried him off”. Instead of going back to Sloane, he contracted a black doctor and his condition grew worse still. Finally: “He left his Black Doctor, and sent for another, who promis’d his Cure, but he languished, and his Cough augmenting died soon after.”

Molesworth died July 27, 1689. This is shortly after Watson’s letter reached Sloane, so it is possible that nothing ever came of Sloane’s accusation. Sloane might have taken offence at being replaced by a black doctor, choosing to exact revenge through trumped-up charges of treason. Whatever the case, there was likely a personal angle to the matter and Sloane does not seem to have acted as a disinterested protector of the Crown. Molesworth may have uttered indecent expressions, but Sloane was just as willing to dispense with good manners and reply in kind.

[1] C. R. Kropf, “Libel and Satire in the Eighteenth Century”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 8, 2 (1974-5), 153.

[2] Philip Hamburger, “The Development of the Law of Seditious Libel and the Control of the Press”, Stanford Law Rev (1985), 707.

[3] Could ‘Coll Molesworth’ have been a relation of Sir Hender Molesworth, whom he expected would come to his rescue?

[4] Sir Hans Sloane, A Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christophers and Jamaica (London: B.W., 1707), Volume 1, xcviii-xcix.

An International Community of Scholars

By Melanie Racette-Campbell

Latin was the international language for academics and intellectuals during Sloane’s lifetime; an Englishman and an Italian might not share a common modern language, but if they were educated they both knew Latin. Many of the Latin letters were published in whole or in part in the Philosophical Transactions, but Latin was also used for personal correspondence, requests for patronage, and medical consultation – in other words, for the same range of purposes as Sloane’s correspondence as a whole.

Most of Sloane’s Latin correspondents were either professional or amateur scientists of some sort, especially botanists, anatomists, and naturalists. Many of the writers of Latin letters either were or would become fellows or foreign members of the Royal Society, and the content of the letters reflects this: they were almost always on scholarly matters, at least in part. These were generally short reports on a specific incident or findings, as for example the report sent by a certain Dr. Bullen about an unusually large bladder stone or barometric records sent from Switzerland by Jacob Scheuchzer, a physician and naturalist. A particularly frequent correspondent, Pieter Hotton of Leiden, sent catalogues of recently published books or else the books themselves to Sloane. Along with scholarly matters, the Latin correspondents (as Hotton did here) often included messages to mutual friends in England, requests for news about these friends, and announcements about significant personal events. The Latin letters were social as well as scholarly, and show us a tightly knit international community of scholars.

But the Latin letters came not only from continental Europe: more of Sloane’s Latin correspondents wrote from the United Kingdom than any single other country, and one letter included text copied from a letter from a Jesuit priest in Japan. When residents of the British Isles wrote in Latin, they were generally writing for scholarly purposes, just like the European letter writers. In fact, two letters written in Latin by an English speaker, the Scottish surgeon/apothecary Patrick Blair, outline a plan for a scientific book on medicinal plants to be written in Latin. This suggests that even between those who shared the same language, Latin was often still considered the right language for intellectual matters.

 

Melanie Racette-Campbell, who is just finishing her Ph.D. in Classics at the University of Toronto, worked as a research assistant on the Sir Hans Sloane Correspondence Online Project. She received her B.A. in Classical and Near Eastern Archaeology and M.A. in Classical, Medieval, and Renaissance Studies from the University of Saskatchewan. Her research interests include Latin poetry and gender and sexuality in the classical world.