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Letter 4057

Henry Compton to Albemarle – Sept. 25.


Item info

Date: Sept. 25.
Author: Henry Compton
Recipient: Albemarle

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: MS 4066
Folio: f. 299-300



Original Page



Transcription

Sept. 25. Madam I am an humble Petitioner to you, that when ye election of Harwich is decided, you would give my Lord Cheyne leave to take ye [Burrow?] in Cornwell for his option, & that you would give me leave to recomend another person to your fa=vour: Wer it upon my own account I should be ashamed to ask this: but it is for ye government & Churches sake that I beg it. For ye person I would have in will be of very great & im=portant use to serve both, & therefore I am sure you will pardon ye importunity of Madam Yor Grace’s most obedient & obliged Sevt: .. London

Compton asks the Duchess of Albemarle if she would grant Lord Cheyne leave after the election at Harwich is decided. Compton, Henry (1631/2-1713), bishop of London served in both military and ecclesiastical positions throughout his life. Compton was a strong anti-Catholic. (Andrew M. Coleby, ‘Compton, Henry (1631/2–1713)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6032, accessed 23 June 2015])




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Letter 0501

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – May 9, 1698


Item info

Date: May 9, 1698
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4037
Folio: ff. 64-65



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Transcription

[fol. 64] Venice May 9th 1698 Dear Sr I was welcomed hither by yrs of 29th of March for wch I heartily thank you. I had designd to have writ to you from Hamburg & afterwards on ye road, but was in so continuall a hurryyt I lett it alone. I have bought for you some of ye books of yr Catalogua & hope to find more of them wn I come to Rome where we shall pass the summer. I have also bought about a dozen for Capt. Hatton to whom pray my service. my Brother writes me word of ye case of Books from Lagorn is arrived; you may dispose of them as you think fitt, only those books wch treat of plants I’ll part wth conditionally if I meet them again. I sent a small paiquet from Haulbury wch I suppose may be arriv’d by this, you’ll find some in it you want. The Boccones were shipp’d here abt 3 weeks sea the charges by a note sent to my Brother by ye merch’t that shipp’d them, I [fol. 65] have not yet seen it, I design no profit upon these only I think tis fitt I be paid ye insurance since I (?) ally risk Here is a collection of plats well dryed supposed on to be sold with anoble collection of books belinging to them; they were signe Forrior who putt out Ferranta Imswrati, I had a mind to have bought them but ye unhappy news of poor Tourneforts math has quite extinguished all such thoughts I had about alott from him or Saiposick in wch he sent in a ye same news you wrote of that he had made up a paequet of dry’d plants for me, but hearing by Dr Lisher of my coming out of Engl’d & design to return by France he had laid them by & yt at my coming to Paris I should be mastor of that I pleasd in his cabinet. I have ye news here from Dr Bochim, but am in hopes (the wch out any good reason) it may prove false. I have got for you Hortus Boscanus 4lo & have met wth Rauwolf & Cobunnas Phylobasanos for my self again I have bought me Hort Eyet & hear of a Flora aeneusis but am ^not^ yet sure whether tis to be purchas’d. Rivinus wants on by 4 planys to pibbs Libil 3 tone, he’s rich & resolv’d he (?) [fol. 65v] Padre Fabiggi of florance has put out Prosopopaid Botanial, dedicated to Rome, whose method he’d oats on. I have met with a (?) parcel of seeds from ye (something crossed out) ^Morea teat by ye Proveditoras Physitians wch ye Ardick names another by another hand from ye servant, Ile send them next week to Engl’d by a friend. they are washing ye garden at Padua very fiul so ye sight but take no care of gurmthing it wth plants, yt perhaps may follow. Singre Mane who was chase to days since Him bassed to Engl’d has a fine gard & is very curiouse, tis thought heell not come but pay his fuil Padre don Syliro left this place a week before I got hither, I shall find him at home on his way to Sicily. they tell me Padre Cupains Panply for Sicillian if in ye press yesterday ye wind being high ye here moxy of ye Aicention day was put of till Sunday, when that’s past, I shall ^have^ time to inform my self as Sr John Haskins quadrias & give him an aut of them in ye mean time my humble ^service^ to him wth ye rest of the Gent of th Clubb exaya in hopes thy scribble from Sr Yr most oblig’d humble srev’t W.Sherard

Sherard updates Sloane on his travels (through Hamburg, now to Venice) and informs him that he has purchased some of the books/catalogues Sloane had requested; he then discusses Sloane’s handling of the sale of a number of books that have lately arrived in London. He discusses the sale of a package of plant samples (unspecified) along with some books, which belonged to Signor Ferro. Sherard then laments the recent death of Tournefort, and discusses how the man had promised to provide him with a number of plant samples which have apparently been left for him in France. [nb. Joseph Pitton de Tournefort did not die until 1708, and sent letters dated after this – miscommunication or mutual friend/family death?] Also met with a curious parcel of seeds with Arabic names (from the Provaditora’s Physician), which he is sending. He described the Padua garden, as well as that of the Ambassador to England.

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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Letter 0455

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – July 16, 1697


Item info

Date: July 16, 1697
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4036
Folio: ff. 333-334



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 333] Dear Sr. I am extreamly oblig’d to you for yr kind letter of ye 18th past & for yr [?] to Mrs Bulifon, they have been to thank me for my recomendations & I hope they will be serviceable to you at their return. As to what you mention of books I have so few besides for my own diversion yt its not worth while to send you a Catalogue, what there is in double you may comand, but ye Prima Della Catholica has had most of them in Botany, from you whom I have to comision to buy all I can lay hands on, & I am willing to spur him on to that study. besides ye Catalogue of his garden printed last year he has above 600 plants graced towards Panphyton diculum, wch I hope shortly to see. had I known what you wanted in voyages whilst in Italy I coud probably have added some to yr numerous & curious collection, having seen severall on yt subject in Italien, Spanish & Portuguese. As to plants I have few in double, having track’d in all places I have found opportunity & made severall presents in hopes of returns; besides the trouble of carriage has very much discouragd me in yt affair I design what I have wth my fruits seeds & books for a publick yse. it is not worth while to think of selling them, nobody will pay ye trouble much less ye charges wch have been considerable had I such thoughts I coud find ten times more for them in this country then in Engld where exoticks bear an extravagant rate. I hear from Mr Bobert yt father Boccones new book is expected from Dantsick; had not I subscribd for 50 copies & furnishd him part of ye money before hand it had not been printed, [?] desire by yr means those of my friends that are not very much pressd to stay till mine arrive, wch I hope will be as soon as those from Dantsick; tis a trick ye father has put upon me after having promised not to send any hither or into Engld he promis’d not to send any hither or into Engld he promised also not to print more then 250 copies but I hear from a freind at venice he has drawn of 400. I had a letter lately from Dr Tournefort who is very busy abt ye traduction of his Elements 2 vol. in 4 to wch he promises me as soon as finishd… Catalogue of ye garden of Montpellier by Mr Magnol as soon as he has finishd this he will print his voyages & then think of others. take this paragraphe of his letter: je viens de recevoir une petite dissertation de Mr Rai qui n’est pas de mon sentiment sur bien de choses. j’espere qu’il sera plus satisfait de l’edition latine, et je me rejouis de ce qu’il ne m’a pas fait de plus fortes objections. Pray any service to Dr. Robinson w’n you see him, if he remembers in what garden he gather’d ye Abies pinum referens &c Plukenet he would oblige me to let me know, I can hear nothing of it here, neither do I find his other Abies fol. subtus viridibus wch ye Dr says is as comon as ye other in ye gardens of Holland. I writ to Mr Petiver some time since about some books, but have not yet heard from him, pray my service to him I should be glad to have an Answer at his leisure. if you have occasion [fol. 334] of Muntings new edition in folio: Historia et Icones Plant. rariones Hort Aursterodad comelini or Dodart memoires in fol. 1676 (for wch Liers asks 50 Gelders) let me know, I shall have occasion of buying 4 of each & perhaps by yt means may have them some thing cheaper then ordinary. if I can serve here you know how to direct & I hope you’ll take ye same freedom with me yt I do wth you on all occasions Il’ll assure you none is more entirely than I yr most faithfull oblig’d serv’t W.Sherard Hague 16th July 97

Sherard discusses an exchange of botanical books and various developments in the field of botany. A note in Sloane’s hand reads: ‘July 21. 1697. This letter was left at my house yesterday morning as my man tells me & had been opened Hans Sloane’.

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, ‘Sherard, William (1659–1728)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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Domesticity and Astronomy in Eighteenth-Century England

This past week has been an exciting time for portents! What with a meteor blasting into Russia, an asteriod passing close to earth, St. Peter’s Basilica being struck by lightning, and the Pope resigning, early modern people would have been getting a bit nervous…[1] As it is, some people believe that the lightning strike was a sign that God approves the Pope’s decision. Perhaps we live in a more optimistic era.

There are several letters in the Sloane Correspondence database about early modern astronomy, although only two that mention comets.[2] By the eighteenth century, there was a growing shift away from seeing dramatic astronomical events as portents. Clergyman William Derham (1657-1735), for example, wrote to Sloane regularly about natural philosophy and his letters (dated 28 March 1706) reveal a careful attention to matters of fact rather than a concern with religious signs.[3]

“Part of a Letter from the Reverend Mr W Derham, F.R.S. Concerning a Glade of Light Observed in the Heavens”. Philosophical Transactions, vol. 25, no. 305 (1706), p. 2221.

In one of Derham’s letters, which also appeared in the Philosophical Transactions (vol. 25, 1706), he described his star-gazing just before Easter. While observing the satellites of Saturn, he spotted a “glade of light” in the constellation of Taurus. The light had a tail like a comet, but a pointy upper end instead of a rounded one. This, Derham was certain, was similar to what Joshua Childrey and Giovanni Domenico Cassini had observed. When the following nights were cloudy, Derham was unable to spot the glade again–and, although Easter Day was fair, he “forgot it unluckily then”. By the time he was next able to look at the skies, the glade of light was gone.

This was the only bit of Derham’s rather long letter that was published in the Phil. Trans. this time. In the letter, Derham also dicussed sunspots and requested advice about his wife’s eye problems. This was typical of many of Sloane’s correspondents, whose letters blurred the boundaries between scholarly, social and medical matters.

Anna Derham, aged about 31, was suffering from eye problems. Sloane had recommended that she take a variety of medicines, including a purge (and rather revoltingly, woodlice), in addition to eye drops. The eye drops, Derham reported, did not agree with his wife and had caused an inflammation. The purge, moreover, had left Mrs. Derham with violent pains spreading from above her eye to throughout her head and face. Derham believed that the eye medicine had resulted in his wife’s cornea wasting away. The outcome of the eye problem was not noted, but a letter from later that year (30 August 1706) mentioned Mrs. Derham’s increasingly severe headaches, which worried both her and her husband. Whether her health improved (or Derham simply distrusted Sloane’s advice in this case) is unclear, but Derham did not mention his wife’s health again until November 1710 when he feared that she might die from peripneumonia. (Mrs. Derham didn’t, managing to outlive her husband.)

What strikes me as particularly interesting in Derham’s account is the small detail that he forgot to look at the skies on Easter Sunday. As a clergyman, he was no doubt very busy in the week leading up to and including Easter. It would be entirely understandable that he might forget… but he did manage to look out his telescope in the nights prior to Easter.

The rather pressing matter of his wife’s health, on the other hand, is the most likely reason. It’s clear that her symptoms were alarming and disabling (as would have been the treatments, as purges kept one very close to the chamberpot). To compound the domestic disruption, the couple had four children between the ages of two and six in 1706. At the very least, Derham was monitoring his wife’s health and overseeing her medical care.[4] Even with domestic help, Mrs. Derham’s poor health would have posed a challenge for the household at the best of times, but even more so at the busiest time of year for a clergyman’s family.

Early modern scientific endeavours often took place within the early modern household, meaning that these activities were inevitably subject to the rhythms and disruptions of daily life. With his ill wife, several young children, and Easter duties, Derham simply did not have time to remember.

 

[1] For other recent blogging on historical comets, see Darin Hayton on “Meteorites and Comets in Pre-Modern Europe” and Rupert Baker on the comets in the Philosophical Transactions (“Watch the Skies“).

[2] The other letter was from Leibniz (5 May 1702), which was an account in Latin of a newly discovered comet.

[3] On Derham and his family, see Marja Smolenaars, “Derham, William (1657-1735)”, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press, 2004. [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/7528, accessed 7 June 2011.]

[4] For more on men’s medical caregiving roles within the family, see my article “The Relative Duties of a Man: Domestic Medicine in England and France, ca. 1685-1740”, Journal of Family History 31, 3 (2006): 237-256.

Sloane: Part of the Family

By Alice Marples

When thinking about famous figures in the history of science, it can sometimes be easy to forget that they were not working in isolation. A lot of recent research has focused on exploring the domestic contexts of scientific production, and paints a picture of kitchen table-top experiments and hoards of curious visitors mucking up the carpet. Men of science were the heads of households, supported (and, likely, just about tolerated) by their families and servants, who were often called in to help.

Yet, when I first began reading through Sloane’s correspondence, I was still surprised by the extent to which wives and children featured in the letters. The broad geographical shape and intellectual form of the international Republic of Letters, linking scholars who had often never met, necessitated a certain contractual form of conduct in epistolary exchanges: elevated, polite and very, very formal. Though the letters in Sloane’s collection are polite, the business discussed within them flows easily from formal to familial, with the knowledge exchanged alternating between the scientific and the social.

John Smybert, The Bermuda Group (1728-1739), Yale University Art Library. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

The first letter from John Ray (1627-1705) – a naturalist-parson and patron of Sloane’s, easily the single person with whom he corresponded the most – concludes his discussion of the state of the scientific community with the request that Sloane should come visit Ray in Black Notley, as he and his wife would love to see him. There is a great deal of affection communicated through these letters, giving the impression that Sloane was very much part of the furniture within the Ray household.

Sloane’s increasingly long absences as he became busier and more successful as a physician and collector are mourned by Ray, his wife, and their daughters. After a relatively big gap in their communication in which Sloane is almost entirely taken up with administering to the rather-troublesome Lady Albermarle and her frequent health issues, we have this from Ray:

Monday last I received your kind letter attended with a rich Present of sugar to my Wife: They were both very gratefull & acceptable…. You have so highly pleased & obliged my Wife, that she is much in commendation of your generosity, & returns you her humble service & hearty thanks; wishing that you were here to partake of some of the effects of your kindnesse.

This present of sugar to the Ray family to make up for his absence was one which Sloane returned to again and again:

My little family are, I thank God, at present all in health…. We often tast of your kindnesse, & as often remember you, & talk of you. My wife salutes you with the tender of her most humble service. (Sloane MS 4036, f. 256)

Certainly lots of letters were written by current or future members of the Royal Society on account of the health of their family, such as Sir Godfrey Copley’s wife or William Sherard’s mother. Similarly, Sloane’s wife is present in many of the letters, with doctors, botanists and lords courteously asking after her whenever she is ill.

But networks built by demonstrable medical expertise and social power did not exist within a void. They were supplemented by personal connections maintained through everyday exchanges among friends and associates, and their families, all of whom were present within the learned community. For example, Sir Godfrey Copley felt compelled to beg on behalf of his wife that Sloane send her the reciept of Making Bacon like that of Westphalia. (Sloane MS 4036, f.188)

Wives swapped housemaids, passed on recipes and recommendations, and actively sought positions for friends and servants through the epistolary exchanges. Sons began working for individuals and companies after being recommended to them by those who knew their parents. Daughters were introduced to improving elder ladies, and written about fondly in letters between fathers. All these interactions appear in the letters as part of the scientific and scholarly information. These letters offer rewarding traces of domestic life, friendship, the role of women in patronage, and the familial world of natural history.

Sloane existed at the centre of a world-wide network of letter-writers, yet it is important to remember that often Sloane’s correspondence was not quite the same sort of exchange as that of the virtuous Republic of Letters. Time and again, there is evidence within the letters of the personal, informal and integrated worlds of families and friends behind this polite language and professions of worthy enterprise.

On this note, I leave you with the warm but exasperated postscript written along the edges of Sir Arthur Rawdon’s letter to Sloane, dated 30th March 1692:

My wife has made me open my letter agen to tell you that she is much troubled that you should write word that you were afraid the cause of my silence was that you had disobliged either her mother or her, she hopes you have a better opinion of them. (Sloane MS 4036, f.115)

Sloane was sometimes so deeply involved with the extended families and friends of his correspondents, that even his patron’s mother-in-law (assisted by his wife) was able to tease him.

Joshua Ward

Ward, Joshua (1684/5–1761), was a medical practitioner and inventor of medicines, both admired and vilified by his peers. He started his medical career working with his brother William as a drysalter in Thames Street, London, where he presumably gained some useful experience in the properties of drugs.

He fled to France in 1715, apparently due to his sympathy towards the Jacobite cause. However in the same year he was elected as MP for Marlborough, after one of two rival mayors got hold of the election writ and inserted Ward’s name. Ward was returned from France even though no one had voted for him but in May 1717 he was unseated on petition.

Ward remained in France for about sixteen years, spending time near Paris and among the English colony at Dunkirk. In 1725 he was co-defendant with his brother John in an action brought in England by the widow of John Sheffield, first duke of Buckingham and Normanby, over some alum works the duke had earlier leased to them. It emerged that John Ward had cheated the duke out of £70,000, only £10,000 being recovered, and he was convicted of fraud and forgery; being abroad, Joshua Ward escaped blame.

While in France, Ward invented the medicines known as Ward’s Pill and Ward’s Drop. The composition of these and other nostrums, such as sweating drops and paste for fistula, varied greatly over the years, but essentially the pills contained antimony and a vegetable substance—dragon’s blood—mixed with wine, whereas the drops comprised a fearsome brew of nitric acid, ammonium chloride, and mercury. Those taking such remedies, in an age when cupping and blistering were regular treatments, thought that the resulting heavy perspiration, vomiting, or purging had beneficial effects. After receiving a pardon from George II, Ward returned to England in 1734, settled in London, and overnight became the talk of the town.

Ward’s reputation was greatly enhanced by royal patronage. He spotted that the king’s painful thumb was not gouty but dislocated, and cured it with a violent wrench. For this he was rewarded with the use of an apartment in the almony office, Whitehall, and the privilege of driving through St James’s Park. Ward was also adept at puffing himself, asserting in press advertisements his ability to cure gout, rheumatism, scurvy, palsy, syphilis, scrofula, and cancer. He converted three houses near St James’s Park into a hospital for the poor, and set up a further treatment centre in Threadneedle Street, in the City of London. He subsidized these activities by charging the rich what they could afford.

He was widely accused of hiring ‘patients’ at half a crown a week and instructing them on how to simulate the symptoms of diseases; better-dressed impostors were said to arrive in their coaches and throng his consulting-rooms for 5s. a day. The large sums he contributed to charity—put at over £3000 a year—and the coins he regularly threw from his carriage only fanned hostility towards him. The Grub Street Journal, in articles from 1734 onwards, repeated verbatim in the Gentleman’s Magazine, at first reasonably attacked the public’s indiscriminate use of the medicines, but later castigated him openly as the friend of undertakers, coffin makers, and sextons by poisoning the sick. Ward responded by taking the journal to court on charges of libel—inadvisedly, as it turned out, as his scant medical knowledge was revealed and his case was thrown out, the defendants gleefully commemorating their victory in prose and doggerel.

Among men of letters, reactions to Ward and his activities were decidedly mixed. Henry Fielding commended his powers of curing the poor with no expectation of reward, in his Voyage to Lisbon (1755), and Horace Walpole approved of the way in which Ward relieved headaches with a dab of ointment on the forehead. Edward Gibbon as a sickly twelve-year-old was successfully treated by Ward during a life-threatening illness. On the other hand Alexander Pope satirized Ward as a despicable quack at least four times in his verses. In William Hogarth’s ‘The Company of Undertakers’, Ward is depicted with the surgeon and oculist John Taylor (1703–1772) and the notorious bone-setter Mrs Mapp as an impudent fraud.

In 1748, when the House of Commons debated a bill to control apothecaries and others who were dispensing adulterated drugs, Ward petitioned the house, alleging that over the past fifteen years he had had no fewer than 2000 patients under his care, 300 being soldiers; he was duly exempted in the bill, which was rejected in the House of Lords.

Ward’s notoriety for his pills and his treatment of the sick overshadowed his scientific experiments. He had two trained assistants, John White and F. J. D’Osterman, with whose help in 1736 he began to make sulphuric acid at Twickenham, in what were known as the ‘Great Vitriol Works’. Ward died at his home in Whitehall, London, on 21 December 1761, his fortune being estimated at £16,000, with £5000 earmarked in bequests, mainly to relatives.

 

Reference:

N. N to Hans Sloane, 1735-08-27, Sloane MS 4054, f. 95, British Library, London

T. A. B. Corley, ‘Ward, Joshua (1684/5–1761)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/28697, accessed 3 Sept 2017]



Dates: to

Occupation: Unknown

Relationship to Sloane: Virtual International Authority File:

Letter 4400

Benjamin Holloway to Hans Sloane – November 17, 1731


Item info

Date: November 17, 1731
Author: Benjamin Holloway
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4052
Folio: ff. 42-43



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 42] Midleton-Stony Nov. 17. 1731 Honrd Sr I had the Favour of your Letter, and give you many Thanks for examining and compareing My Notes wth Dr Smith; I profess chiefly to follow Him ni the anatomical Part, but ni the Optical I think I have added other Proofs to His. I chose to trouble you with the Papers in your Hand, on the subject Matter of them, which is fetchd from ye depths of Nature; tho at ye same time go see less of my design in This than in any other Part of my Work; The 70 and other ancient versions herein varying little or Nothing from ye original, and therefore requiring no great Pains or skill to shew their reconcilement, for which there is occassion almost ev’ry where else in this Book. It is a great Pleasure to me yt my design has your Approbation: I think in ye way I have taken, to bring the Original. S.S. and their ancient version to Agreement, one may come to set forth a just Translation of the Bible, and put an end to a world of groundless disputes about ye Genuineness of ye Letter of the Hebrew on the one Hand, & of it’s first Translation the 70 on the other. wch in stead of being set at Eternal variance will hereby be made every where to illutrate and explain each other I did not think the whole of what I laid before you woud be proper to insert in the Transactions of the Society, but I conceive the Note on Chap. 12. of. 2. Upon Light. if yo approve of it, May. I give you Abundance of Thanks for your kind Intercession for me to the Council of the R.S. in Respect of my Payments, and am ready to submit it wholly to you, Whether I shall pay only to ye Time I sent to Dr Woodward to be dismissed the Society (wch believe was about two years after my Admission) […] whether I shall pay ye 10 Guineys, receive my Bond, & still be continu’d a Member: which, for the Honour I have to the Society, and Regard to your Friendship in this Affair, I rather incline to. and, if yo approve of ye same, in spring, when I think to come to Town, I will pay ye Money in Person. I beg yo will comunicate that specimen of my Notes to as many of your Friends of as you can think fit: and, when the Book is ready for the Press I will let yu know, hopeing your Recomendation will procure some subscribers, if, as my Friends generally persuade me, it shall appear advisable to publish it y self. I am, with the greatest Respect, Sr. Your Obedient and Obliged Humble Servant B. Holloway.

Benjamin Holloway (1690/91-1759) was a Church of England Clergyman and religious controversialist. He provided evidence to support the geological theories of John Woodward, which were published in the Philosophical Transaction. In 1723, with Sir Hans Sloane’s support, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Holloway published many books on religious topics (Scott Mandelbrote, Holloway, Benjamin (1690/911759), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13572, accessed 25 July 2013]).




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Letter 1310

Henry Compton, Bishop of London to Hans Sloane – May 1, 1713


Item info

Date: May 1, 1713
Author: Henry Compton, Bishop of London
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4043
Folio: f. 148



Original Page



Transcription

Compton informs Sloane that ‘things of this nature must be carryed on the right way’. He must contact the Secretary of War Sir William Wyndham, 3rd Baronet. Thomas Compton (1631/2-1713) was the Bishop of London and a fierce anti-Catholic (Andrew M. Coleby, Compton, Henry (1631/21713), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6032, accessed 16 June 2011]).




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Letter 2688

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – May 16, 1698


Item info

Date: May 16, 1698
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4037
Folio: ff. 75-76



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Transcription

[fol. 75] Sr. I did not think to have troubled you two papts together but reciving ye inclosed from Sig.re Spolati thought fit to jind it under this cover. I have sent from this place a small sale of books, wch I hope will be in Engld in less than three months; there are amongst them sevrall of yr Catalogue & some of Cap’t Hattons; you may be pleased to take what you like, as also of those sent from Hamburg, giving my Brother a note of them & dispose of ye rest as you think fit. there is descrithine di Malta di Franessco Ahela, wch I have long sought after; ‘twas sold in Holld in westrares awhin for 85 gidrs vendor As had one ye last time I pass’d that way, but soud not let me have it under go. I have found Bellunsasis de Linerniks, has too Cata to kind you’ll find Barthol Ambrosini Parmlipomensed Hist. Animaluiu Aldrovandi fol. Bonon 1657 wch wth ye other peice you have of Ovid manhalbances makes Aidrovandi open compleat. they are 2 peices I shall scarce find again I have bought severall small traits de Balmais & wch perhaps tho not in Catalogue, you may want to perfait yr collections. here are severall hundreds of med trifles, wch I believe are not so much mentioned in Catalogues; if you was hereft Alf you would find some to yr mind. if you please to send me a further note of what you want in Physick or Voyages [fol. 75v] in I talieu or Spamth, wn I come to Rome, I shall have more time to hunt after these as also here next Carnwvall. I think I sent you word this day scunight of Padre Fabiggi’s Prosopo-peice Botanicae in versa dedicated to Rivins. I have found you vaslingy Gyunasuin Patavinum ye Biblio Ilieiu Hyspanica Vetus An-tonis if in folio is my Ld Townshends, as also ye first vol. printed last agt 2 years since, if that be it you mean let me know & Ile buy you one at Rome, where they were printed. the Giornali de Litterati of Parma are se dear, that I have let them alone, in hopes to have them cheaper there, some other books also of Capt. Hattons Catalogue are here to be found, but I dare not meddle wth them. the Oroficaris of Callins is dear beinf brought up by ye Godsmiths, but for fear of not meeting it again I have sent it, if I meet wth another Ile not leave it behind. I shall send to Engld by a friend next week a curious parcel of seeds gathered in ye Levant wth their Arabick names, another from ye Morea & some from Syri, most of wch are growing here; my Brother will also receive a parcel sent by ye Prince of Cattolica, by a vessel from Legorn. I have bought P. Della Valla in 4lo in 4 tomas qt Ml Bataman had of me was but 3 ye 4lb is mentioned in ye the page of ye first & is printed tho perhaps not known in Egld. if you send me a Catalogue of some books scarce in Egld such as Ennuis cu notis Polumnd & twoud be worth while to look after them. I have sent 3 Galeria di Mineria, you’ll find some things in it not to be met elsewhere, it sels very well & will be continued [fol. 76] Be pleased to give my humble servoce to Sr. John Hoskins, wth ye following acct. to his three quines. 1.ye our last Books of ye 4th volume of seam mozzi were never printed, nor to be found amongst his papers. 2.Concerning ye chimneys at Venice, it woud be necessary to send a draught of one to explain it have, wch if desired Ile get done. they are all built round onye out side; at about a foot distance from ye top, are a row of bricks sett and ways, wth ^open^ spaces of a bricks thickness between them open to lett out ye smoke; above they are built as below ye holes, this is all concerns ye side. on ye out side is built a kind of a shell in shape of a large flower pot, wch seams to stand on ye tops of their chimneys. its (crossed out)^basis on a row of bricks, for that purpose, standing out of the chimney at ye distance of half a foot each, on these it rests as on its basis, betwixt them are so many spiracula for ye smoke; tis carried up half a foot or better above ye main body of ye chimney, narrow at bottom & wide a top ye reason of its being built higher then ye main body of the chimney is to defend ye loose pan-tiles, wch cover ye funnel of ye chimney from being carried away by ye wind. these tiles lie loose, & are constantly taken of, when they sweap their chimneys. by these ye gusts of wind (wch here they are much expos’d to) are broke, so yt they cannot drive ye smoke down ye chimney into their rooms, what it dos drive back, or rather, what it hinders from coming out at ye top, is finds a passage at ye holes of ye Basis of ye space also betwixt ye main body of ye chimney & ye (crossed out) shall, on wch they rest. 3.ye Currance wine is made of ye grapes wch on a third dry, wch makes it luscious & thick as well as strong. they putt no water to that they (ripped) whats drank in ye Iland is made of fresh grapes, & [fol. 76v] mixt with a certain proportion of water, as ye Garbo is here at Venice but for further information concerning this or other things at Zant, I referr him to my very good friend Mr Portine whom I met here in his road home, & by whom I send ye seeds above mentioned. you’ll find in ye Bale of books from Humb.t. Francisci Arisoti de oleo montis Zibinis hiber, put out by Dr Oligcus; Dr Ramazzini is publishing of it wth notes & observations you may expect it wth ye rest of his works (some of wch you had of me) by ye next occasion. Mr Ludolf, whom I suppose you know, is here looking after travellers yt have sent a voyage in folio of Congo matamba & Angola by father Giov Antonio Cavarra da Montacuccolo, printed at Bologna 1687. I don’t know whether you have seen it or no excuse this rhapsody & Ile trouble no more also some time I am Venice May 16th 1698 Sr Mr Cortine will lody at his linckle dan strangers yr very obliged Servant [folio ripped]

Sherard has sent a bale of books to England, which should be there in three months and includes several catalogues. He tells Sloane to take what he likes. The same goes for the books sent from Hamburg. Sherard asks Sloane to give his humble service to Sir John Hoskins, and to answers the latter’s questions concerning Venetian chimneys, wine, and the volumes of a certain book.

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, Sherard, William (16591728), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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Letter 1173

William Sherard to Hans Sloane – November 15, 1707


Item info

Date: November 15, 1707
Author: William Sherard
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4041
Folio: f. 66



Original Page



Transcription

[fol. 66] Dear Sr. yrs of ye 26. June last did not arrive here till 26 octr. yr kind present of books I had by ye mermaid bound for Legorn & this place in Augst last for wch I return you a thous’d thanks. I have Pera Plumiers treatise of ferns & only staid for yrs to enter them in my Pinax wch I am now about. I don’t render you were puzled wth Dr. Plukenets specimens; he seems to me to have been resolv’d to insert in his works all ye names of plants, he any where met wth, at least I beleive he would not have faisted in several out of books I lent him, but to let ye word see he had read them I am glad his collections are like to remain, if his plants may be set in a truer light. had I staid in Engld one year longer, I beleive I had had ye seeing of them, being very great wth him & having a promise of it from him when we were so near neighbours, wch wou’d have sav’d me a great deal of trouble, & of comitting a great many mistakes. I am sorry for Capt. Dampiers loss; I was in hopes of seeing speedily an acct. of his voyage wch woud have been very diverting & instructive. since you are pleased to mention ye duplicates of yr Jamaica plants as well as Meril’d wch you design me, I desire they may be deliverd to my Brother in order to be sent me by first convoy, for wth out one I will not venture them. if you will oblige me wth yr duplicates for Mr Cuningham (wch I find named in Dr. Plukenets Amalthoum) I’le indeavr to make some retaliation. The best sort of standing of imoveable Barometer (wch I suppose are made by Mr Partridg is what I desire. be pleased to send me also a hand glass for reading medalls, wch daily increase upon me, so yr I hope to make tho not a compleat, yet a large collection of wch many undescribed. I sent my Ld Pembroke seven silver ones of his catalogue by convoy inclosd to Mr Hill of ye Admiralty & since yet have ^found^ two mark wch shall be sent wth what Greek inscriptions I have, by first safe occasion; & then I shall presume to write his Ld ship again. I have order’d my Brother to pay you what you disburse for me & an yt acct for ye liberty of being so free wth you. be pleased to send me 2 of yr Catalogues in plures or bound, wch will save me ye time of copying it out. I want severall books wch I expect from Holland & else where, besides some of my own wch are not yet come over. I have writ to my brother to look them out if in case ^he cannot find them, to but them if he can meet them. such are Boccone dept-siulia 4to.H.R.Blos.moris.Botan.morspel.and Pereri d’Anguillara, Hortus Wingbury &c. by next convoy you shall have more specimens & some other curiosities of this country. my service to all friends, I am wthout reserve Dear Sr. yr most obliged humble servant WSherard Smirna Novr 15 1707

Sherard was a botanist and cataloguer. He worked for the Turkish Company at Smyrna where he collected botanical specimens and antiques (D. E. Allen, ‘Sherard, William (1659–1728)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25355, accessed 24 June 2011]).




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