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Letter 3431

Philip Rose to Hans Sloane – February 29, 1728


Item info

Date: February 29, 1728
Author: Philip Rose
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4049
Folio: ff. 123-124



Original Page



Transcription

Rose reminds Sloane that he was admitted a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1691. He requests that the College support him financially during his illness. Philip Rose was admitted a Licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians in 1691. In 1728 he was forgiven 12 pounds owed to the College (http://munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/Biography/Details/3854).




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Philip Rose
    Gender:
    Age:72 years old.
  • Description

    'At Last to compleat the miseries of an old Aged Man in his 72d year, about six months ago, I felt a tumor no bigger than a pea, on the Left side of my Tongue near the Root which growing dayly in Bigness attended with pain, on the 26th of February last, it Broke out into such a Haemorrhage'. The sore bled for some time.

  • Diagnosis

    Tumour.

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    Rose enlisted the aid of a surgeon called Mr Triquel, who had 'been bred under' Mr Bustiere.


    Ongoing Treatment:
    Response:
  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Mouth, Tumour, Blood

Looking after your family until the end: the cost of caregiving in historical perspective

A very old man, suffering from senility. Colour stipple engraving by W. Bromley, 1799, after T. Stothard. Image credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A very old man, suffering from senility. Colour stipple engraving by W. Bromley, 1799, after T. Stothard. Image credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Another day, another governmental exhortation that families just aren’t doing enough to keep society going… This time, it is Simon Hughes (the UK coalition’s justice minister) who suggested that British people had lost a sense of duty to care and were neglecting the elderly. Caregivers regularly bear the brunt of governmental disparagement, especially at a time when an ageing population puts increasing stress on limited resources. The solution, Hughes proposes, is that we look to immigrant cultures who understand the necessity of sacrifice for the good of elderly family members.

Gee, that’ll do the trick… (There’s a thorough dissection of Hughes’ statements  over at (Dementia Just Ain’t) Sexy.) But what I want to discuss here is the problematic view of the past underpinning Hughes’ assertions. He ignores the daily experience of modern caregivers and instead assumes that British family responsibility was much more important back in the halcyon olden days.

Let me introduce you to the Meure family in the early eighteenth century, whose case suggests the high costs of caregiving at a time when there were no other options. The Meures were naturalized Huguenot immigrants who had moved to London shortly after Louix XIV had revoked the Edict of Nantes in France. The family’s immigrant status is worth noting, given that the myth of dutiful families relies on the belief that they remained in one place.

The location of the French Academy, where a different sort of dancing now takes place. Image source: my own photograph.

The location of the French Academy, where a different sort of dancing now takes place. Image source: my own photograph.

Abraham Meure (senior, hereafter “Meure”) established a boarding school for French Protestants in Soho, but the school—which taught fencing, dancing, drawing and languages—quickly attracted of the English nobility. Times must have been good for the family, as Abraham Meure (junior, hereafter “Abraham”) styled himself as “Gent.” when he married Elizabeth Newdigate in 1707.

Somewhere around 1708, Meure’s son-in-law Moses Pujolas wrote to Hans Sloane. Sloane had previously acted as a legal witness on behalf of Meure who suffered from dementia and senility. The father’s need for care was not disputed within the family; rather, this was a matter of ensuring that Abraham could take over his father’s interests. Unsatisfied with the facts of the case, the jury at the Court of Chancery wanted Meure to attend court. Moses worried that ‘he isn’t in a fit state to conduct himself without embarrassment’ and hoped that Sloane would attest to treating Meure’s senility over time.[1] The family appears to have been protecting Meure by preserving his dignity. The Court treated the debility as temporary, but then removing Meure’s power irrevocably wasn’t the family’s goal, either. The Meures delayed three more years before seeking a permanent ruling.

Meure’s last will dates from 1703 and was proven in 1716.[2] Although it’s hard to know when exactly Meure’s dementia began, the will makes it clear that his daughter Magdalene Pujolas and her family were living with him. According to the will, Abraham received the bulk of his father’s estate, but was to pay Moses £500 as specified in the marriage articles and, within six months of Meure’s death, Magdalene would receive a further £500. Meure declared:

Further, I give my daughter Magdalen Pujolas her board for all the time she lived with me since her marriage, and for three months after my decease, as alsoe the Board of her Husband Moses Pujolas his Children, and servants, and I doe prohibite my Eldest son or his Executors ever to make any demand thereon upon any amount whatever.

In addition, Moses could take back everything in his two furnished chambers and any Pujolas possessions elsewhere in the household. There were bequests to other family members: Robert Pujolas (Magdalene’s son), £500; Andrew Meure (son), £450; and Magdalin Meure (Andrew’s daughter), £100. The particularly generous bequests to the Pujolas family hints that Meure expected them to remain with him indefinitely and that they may already have been providing him with domestic assistance. The Meure family was not wealthy, although the school provided a sufficiently comfortable living to remunerate the Pujolas family for their long-term assistance.

The evidence is, admittedly, patchy. No family records or other letters to Sloane refer to Meure’s deteriorating state, though Moses’ reference to Meure’s likely embarrassment in court suggests that he was in a bad state a mere five years after writing the will. It must have been agonizing for those closest to him who continued to care for him until his death circa 1714, which was when Abraham took over as ratepayer for the property.

Moses and Abraham for many years had a friendly relationship. For example, Moses was Abraham’s guarantor in his marriage settlement of 1707. Not long after Meure died, there were growing tensions within the family. And it is these letters that suggest what the real cost of long-term caregiving was for Magdalene.

In 1719, Abraham wrote to Sloane to question Moses’ treatment of his sister:

I beg the favour of you to lett me know when you saw my sister Pujolas last, and how you found her, her husband saith that he locked her up by your advice.

Sloane replied that he had not treated Mrs Pujolas for several years, but had looked into the matter for Abraham. Magdalene had, apparently, ruined her health, by ‘coveting and drinking large quantities of hott liquors’.

The case must have been severe. Sloane was concerned enough to advise Moses to consult a lawyer about locking Magdalene up in order to limit the quantities of alcohol that she consumed.

Coincidence?

[1] British Library, Sloane MS 4060, ff. 142-3. Pujolas thanked Sloane for an affidavit in BL MS 4060, f. 141,

[2] London Metropolitan Archives, PROB 11: Will Registers – 1713-1722 – piece 554: Fox, Quire Numbers 173-208 (1716), Will of Abraham Meure.

Straight From the Horse’s Mouth

By Jacqeuline Schoenfeld

Like Lisa Smith, I am a sucker for animal stories. As a child (and young adult) some of my favorite movies included Homeward Bound, Babe and George of the Jungle. There is something irresistible about an American Bulldog, a Golden Retriever and a Himalayan cat that are best friends. And really, a pig that herds sheep and a gorilla who talks, need I say more? Given my intrigue for a good animal story, you can imagine my excitement when I stumbled across the following letter.

In 1732, Charles Bere wrote to an unnamed recipient to inform him/her of an interesting case concerning a horse:

Peter Clarke of Hammersmith Baker did the ninth day of January 1732 produce & show me a stone taken out of his Mares gutt which weighed seaven pounds and three quarters and measured round – Twenty inches.

Three horses standing in a field, listening to the horn of a huntsman, who is seen with his horse and hounds in the woods beyond. By Lilian Cheviot. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Three horses standing in a field, listening to the horn of a huntsman, who is seen with his horse and hounds in the woods beyond. By Lilian Cheviot. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Yes. You read that correctly…

Once my initial disbelief wore off, I did a quick search in the letter database, only to learn that a similar event occurred six years earlier.  On 14 December 1726, Zabdiel Boylston from Boston, New England informed Sloane of a horse that had consumed a large stone:

The Stone I now send you was taken out of a gelding[.] [W]hen first taken out [it] weighed five pounds & about Eight ounces, … and measure[d] round one way, seventeen Inches & 3.q’rs and ye. other was sixteen Inches & 3 quarters.

Upon reading the eighteenth-century letters, I was left wondering how and why two horses would consume indigestible objects. After all, the stone consumed by the horse in Bere’s letter was only slightly smaller in circumference than a NFL regulation size football!

After searching through a few veterinarian journals, I came across an article by Dr. Aytekin et al. in which the authors describe a condition found in horses and other animals known as ‘pica’. Pica, defined “as a depraved or abnormal appetite [that is sometimes] regarded as a sign of nutritional deficiency or boredom”, is characterized by the consumption of rocks, dirt and other indigestible objects. Dr. Aytekin and his colleagues admit that researchers do not fully understand the underlying causes of pica; however, the authors suggest that a lack of certain amino acids, vitamins, soda salts or phosphates in an animal’s diet may contribute to the emergence of pica.

Could it be that the horses discussed in Bere and Boylston’s letters were acting out of boredom or simply attempting to supplement their diets? This cannot be said with certainty but it seems like a plausible explanation for their unconventional dietary substitutions.

And while we are on the subject of unconventional diets… I think this is a good time to redirect our attention to a story from the English county of Gloucestershire earlier this year. According to an article in the Daily Mail (18 March 2015), it seems that packs of wild boars have taken a liking to hunting and eating newborn lambs in the Forest of Dean, a popular tourist site.

According to veterinarian Clare Harvey (quoted in the article), it is not strange for boars to consume meat, after all they are omnivores–but the boars’ disposition to hunt suggests that “they may have developed a taste for fresh meat”. In other words, the consumption of meat does not necessarily suggest attempts at dietary substitutions or even signal strange behavior–rather, it is the manner in which these boars have acquired meat that is less than conventional.

A wild boar on the run. Etching by J.E. Ridinger. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A wild boar on the run. Etching by J.E. Ridinger. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

So, what does a horse that swallowed a stone the size of a football and herds of wild boars roaming the Forest of Dean hunting lambs have to do with natural history in the Sloane letters? Then and now, our desire to understand the world around us seems strongest when it comes to explaining instances that seem strange or out of the ordinary. This is as evident in Bere and Boylston taking the time to write down and share their observations as Dr. Harvey’s attempts to explaining the boars’ taste for fresh meat. But Boylston’s letter also hints at the element of entertainment involved in looking at curiosities.

A sheep and two lambs standing on a meadow, with one of the lambs feeding on the mother. Etching by C. Lewis after E. H. Landseer. 1873 By: Edwin Henry Landseerafter: Charles George Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

A sheep and two lambs standing on a meadow, with one of the lambs feeding on the mother. Etching by C. Lewis after E. H. Landseer. 1873 By: Edwin Henry Landseerafter: Charles George Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

According to Boylston, several people were present when the stone was removed from the gelding and many more came to see it. What really makes me smile is Boylston’s tone as he explains, “altho [the stone] was not found in an Humane … it was in one of ye. most noble of ye. brutal kind[.]” So here we are, almost 300 years later and our ability to find wonder and entertainment in natural phenomena persists.

On Hans Sloane’s Copies of De Humani Corporis Fabrica

Title page. Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica libri septum, 1555. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Title page. Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica libri septum, 1555. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Thanks to Felicity Roberts, I’ve learned that a copy of Vesalius’ De Humani Corporis Fabrica Librorum Epitome (Basel, 1543) once owned by Hans Sloane went up for auction at Christie’s on 15 July.  Although the list price was a £70,000-£100,000, the book ended up going for £60,000.

Christie’s has just started a Discovery series of short videos to highlight pieces with particularly interesting histories. First up: Sloane’s book! Go take a look at “The ‘Google Maps’ of the Human Body” now.

What I love about this video and post is how well it captures Sven Becker’s enthusiasm when it came to finding something unexpected in the course of researching the book’s provenance. The sale also caused some excitement on the C-18L listserv, with some contributors wondering whether the book had been stolen or its notes forged.

Alison Walker, who leads the British Library’s Sloane Printed Books Project, attended the auction and has been tracing the book’s provenance in more detail. This has required a bit of digging, but the process involved in uncovering a book’s history is fascinating. It’s worth quoting Alison’s findings (which she shared in an email to me) at length. She reports that the book, which was from the Duke of Westminster’s collection,

seems to have been sold as a duplicate by the British Museum in 1769, and appears as lot 336 on p. 12 of S. Baker and G. Leigh, A Catalogue of the Duplicates of the British Museum which will be sold by auction… April 4 1769 and nine following days, London, 1769. Normally one would expect to see a British Museum duplicate sale stamp on the book, but it seems to have been omitted in this case. It is listed on p. 54v of the interleaved copy of J.A. van der Linden, Lindenius renovatus, 1686, which Sloane used as his catalogue of Latin medical books. The book may have been acquired by Sloane in the 1720s or 1730s, though there is no precise acquisition date in his catalogue, and no indication of its previous provenance.

Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica, 1543. Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica, 1543.
Credit: Wellcome Library, London.

She has now included the book in the Sloane Printed Books database–a useful tool for suggesting the comings and goings of books in Sloane’s library over the years. (And, believe me, it is easy to lose track of time when playing with the database.)

The British Library still holds several other versions of De Humani Corporis Fabrica once owned by Sloane, including an especially fancy Epitome printed on vellum. And along the way, the British Library has sold off other copies from Sloane’s collection. For example, one 1555 edition of the book now at the Royal Society library was purchased during a duplicate sale in 1830.

Although there was a bit of excited speculation about fraud or theft surrounding this sale, a bit of historical detective work can uncover a much more prosaic explanation. Records do sometimes get lost–or never created, as in this case.

The featured image: putti killing a dog, from book 7 of De Humani Corporis Fabrica (Basel, 1555). Credit: Wellcome Library, London. I’ve always hated putti.

Letter 3031

Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet to Hans Sloane – May 2, 1724


Item info

Date: May 2, 1724
Author: Thomas Tufton, 6th Earl of Thanet
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: ff. 172-173



Original Page



Transcription

Tufton recommends the bearer, a surgeon from Ashford, to Sloane. The man served Tufton for 20 years, but has been ill and fallen on hard times. Tufton asks Sloane to help him procure a place at Charter House and suggests Lord Pembroke might be able to help. He was worried when he heard that Sloane was sick. Thomas Tufton (1644-1729), 6th Earl of Thanet, was a nobleman and politician. He served as Captain of the Troop of Horse, Member of Parliament for Appelby from 1668 to 1679, and was eventually invested as a Privy Councillor in 1702. He was Lord-Lieutenant of Cumberland from 1712 to 1714 (G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday, Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden, editors, ‘The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant’, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6 volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume III, page 297).




Patient Details

Letter 0185

N. Hickman to Hans Sloane – August 30, 1726


Item info

Date: August 30, 1726
Author: N. Hickman
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4075
Folio: ff. 228-229



Original Page



Transcription




Patient Details

  • Patient info
    Name: N/A Evelyn Pierrepont, 2nd Duke of Kingston-upon-Hull
    Gender:
    Age:Evelyn Pierrepont, b. 1711, d. 1773 [Cokayne, Complete Peerage, vol. 7, pp. 307-308]. Movements described as being typical of children.
  • Description

    The Duke was reading (which Hickman thinks he does too much for his strength." He was seized with contraction on the side of his face. Hickman threw cold water on him after which the Duke became sensible and told Hickman he was tired. Afterwards he had sudden twitchings and startings. He also has "childish habits", such as sniffing his nose and opening his mouth, and trouble forming words.

  • Diagnosis

    Sloane's prescription: "vensect. fontanell. vescator. pulv. ad. quittet."

  • Treatment
    Previous Treatment:

    Sloane had given Hickman advice for the Duke of Kingston.


    Ongoing Treatment:

    While waiting for Sloane's advice, Hickman administered: first he gave Pills of resin of Jalap mixed with "pil. fetid." He began with purging because the hot weather. Hickman also thought that a foul stomach was the underlying cause. He also prescribed an electuary of wild Valerian and bled the Duke. For the Duke's trouble sleeping he gave the Duke a small bottle of Lavender to carry with him.


    Response:

    The Duke was adverse to cutting and asked Hickman not to do it unless Sloane said it was necessary. He kept having fits, which is why Hickman was updating Sloane.

  • More information
  • Medical problem reference
    Fits, Facial contractions, Childhood Diseases, Epilepsy

Letter 2962

Kingsmill Eyre to Hans Sloane – September 25, 1723


Item info

Date: September 25, 1723
Author: Kingsmill Eyre
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4047
Folio: f. 56



Original Page



Transcription

Eyre surveyed Mrs Gardner’s land and discovered several problems. He would prefer ‘3 or 4 akers where you first propos’d in ye farther Corner of Anderson’s field’. Eyre hopes to ‘entertain you with some fruits from my own labour’ in the near future. Kingsmill Eyre (1682-1743) was the Secretary of Chelsea Hospital, a post he secured in 1716 with the help of Robert Walpole. In 1718 he was appointed Secretary to the Commissioners of Chelsea College. Eyre designed Wapole’s garden at Houghton, Norfolk, and worked with William Wood on a method of making iron, which they patented in 1727. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1726 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingsmill_Eyre).




Patient Details

Letter 3750

Giovanni Giacomo Zamboni to Hans Sloane – March 31, 1730


Item info

Date: March 31, 1730
Author: Giovanni Giacomo Zamboni
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4051
Folio: f. 11



Original Page



Transcription

Zamboni presents a letter from Dresden: Sloane MS 4051, fols. 8-10. He asks Sloane to consider electing ‘Jerom Giuntini of Florence as a Fellow of ye Royal Society’. Giuntini is Zamboni’s nephew. He would be grateful if Sloane complied ‘with his humble request’. Giovanni Giacomo Zamboni was the Chargé d’Affaires of the Prince of Darmstadt in England.




Patient Details

Letter 2662

Charles Bennet, Earl of Tankerville to Hans Sloane – n.d.


Item info

Date: n.d.
Author: Charles Bennet, Earl of Tankerville
Recipient: Hans Sloane

Library: British Library, London
Manuscript: Sloane MS 4076
Folio: f. 191



Original Page



Transcription

Fol. 191 [father’s sudden change, please come] [P.S.] My Lord is lethargick and a high fever upon him. Lord and Lady Lymington are here with me and our concerns are inexpressible.

This letter is written by either Charles Bennet, 1st Earl of Tankerville (1674-1722), Charles Bennet, 2nd Earl of Tankerville (1697-1753), or Charles Bennet, 3rd Earl of Tankerville (1716-1767) depending on the date. The same goes for the patient.




Patient Details